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INVASION 

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SAMUEL   A  o  *  M  s   D  R  A  ;*ie 


DECI 
EVENTS 


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HISTORY 


"$ooks  are  the  best  of  things  row  useti; 
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WORKS  BY  SAMUEL  ADAMS  DRAKE 


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Dectsbf  (Scents  in  American  fjtstorg 

BuRGOYNE's  INVASION 
OF  1777 


OUTLINE  SKETCH  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INVASION 
OF  CANADA,  1775-76 


BY 

SAMUEL   ADAMS   DRAKE 
if 


BOSTON   1889 
LEE     AND     SHEPARD     PUBLISHERS 

1O   MILK    STREET   NEXT   "OLD    SOUTH    MEETING    HOUSE" 

NEW  YORK    CHARLES  T.  DILLINGHAM 

7lS  AND   72O   BROADWAY 


COPYRIGHT,  1889, 

BY 
LEK  AND  SHEPARD. 


BOSTON 
S.  J.  PARKHILL  &  Co.,  PRINTERS 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 9 

PRELUDE. 

I.    THE  INVASION  OF  CANADA 15 

II.    THE  INVASION  OF  CANADA 19 

BURGOYNE'S   INVASION. 

I.    THE  PLAN  OF  CAMPAIGN 27 

II.     BURGOYNE'S  ARMY 33 

III.  THE  FALL  OF  TICONDEROGA 37 

IV.  HUBBARDTON 45 

V.    FACING  DISASTER 56 

VI.    THE  MARCH  TO  FORT  EDWARD 61 

VII.    BEFORE  BENNINGTON 68 

VIII.    BATTLE  OF  BENNINGTON 77 

IX.    AFTER  BENNINGTON 87 

X.    ST.  LEGER'S  EXPEDITION 90 

XI.    OUR  ARMY  ADVANCES 95 

XII.    BATTLE  OF  BEMIS'  HEIGHTS 101 

XIII.  LINCOLN'S  RAID  IN  BURGOYNE'S  REAR   ....  113 

XIV.  SECOND  BATTLE  OF  FREEMAN'S  FARM     .    .    .    .  116 
XV.    RETREAT  AND  SURRENDER 126 

XVI.     SEVENTEENTH  OF  OCTOBER,  1777 137 

XVII.    CONSEQUENCES  OF  DEFEAT 143 

5 


M163831 


SorcL 


MILITARY    MAP,    LAKE   CHAMPLAIN. 


INTRODUCTION 


AMONG  the  decisive  events  of  the  Revolutionary  strug 
gle,  Burgoyne's  campaign  deservedly  holds  the  foremost 
place,  as  well  for  what  it  led  to,  as  for  what  it  was  in 
inception  and  execution  —  at  once  the  most  daring,  most 
quixotic,  and  most  disastrous  effort  of  the  whole  war. 

Burgoyne  was  himself,  in  some  respects,  so  remark 
able  a  man  that  any  picture  of  his  exploits  must  needs 
be  more  or  less  tinted  with  his  personality.  And  this 
was  unusually  picturesque  and  imposing.  He  acquired 
prestige,  at  a  time  when  other  generals  were  losing  it, 
through  his  participation  in  Carleton's  successful  cam 
paign.  But  Burgoyne  was  something  more  than  the 
professional  soldier.  His  nature  was  poetic ;  his 
temperament  imaginative.  He  did  nothing  in  a  com 
monplace  way.  Even  his  orders  are  far  more  schol 
arly  than  soldier-like.  At  one  time  he  tells  his  soldiers 
that  "occasions  may  occur,  when  nor  difficulty,  nor 
labor,  nor  life  are  to  be  regarded"  —  as  if  soldiers,  in 
general,  expected  anything  else  than  to  be  shot  at !  — 
at  another,  we  find  him  preaching  humanity  to  Indians, 
repentance  to  rebels,  or  better  manners  to  his  adver 
sary,  with  all  the  superb  self-consciousness  that  was 
Burgoyne's  most  prominent  characteristic. 

To  the  military  critic,  Burgoyne's  campaign  is  insttuc- 
9 


I O  IN  TROD  UC  TION 

live,  because  it  embodies,  in  itself,  about  all  the  opera 
tions  known  to  active  warfare.  It  was  destined  to 
great  things,  but  collapsed,  like  a  bubble,  with  the  first 
shock  of  an  adverse  fortune. 

This  campaign  is  remarkable  in  yet  another  way.  It 
has  given  us  the  most  voluminous  literature  extant, 
that  treats  of  any  single  episode  of  the  Revolutionary 
War.  In  general,  it  takes  many  more  words  to  explain 
a  defeat  than  to  describe  a  victory.  Hence  this  ful 
ness  is  much  more  conspicuous  upon  the  British  than 
upon  the  American  side  of  the  history  of  this  campaign. 
Not  only  the  general,  who  had  his  reputation  to  defend, 
but  high  officials,  whose  guiding  hand  was  seen  behind 
the  curtain,  were  called  to  the  bar  of  public  opinion. 
The  ministers  endeavored  to  make  a  scapegoat  of  the 
general-;  the  general,  to  fix  the  responsibility  for  defeat 
upon  the  ministers.  His  demand  for  a  court-martial 
was  denied.  His  sovereign  refused  to  hear  him.  It 
was  thus  meanly  attempted  to  turn  the  torrent  of  popu 
lar  indignation,  arising  from  the  ill  success  of  the  ex 
pedition,  wholly  upon  the  unlucky  general's  head. 
Burgoyne's  heroic  persistency  at  length  brought  the 
British  nation  face  to  face  with  the  unwelcome  fact, 
which  the  ministers  were  so  desirous  of  concealing,  — 
that  somebody  besides  the  general  had  blundered;  and 
if  the  inquiry  that  Burgoyne  obtained  from  Parliament 
failed  to  vindicate  him  as  a  captain,  it  nevertheless  did 
good  service  by  exposing  both  the  shortcomings  of  his 
accusers,  and  the  motives  which  had  guided  their  con 
duct  with  respect  to  himself. 


INTR OD  UC  TION  1 1 

Besides  the  official  examination  by  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  we  have  several  excellent  narratives,  written  by 
officers  who  served  with  Burgoyne,  all  of  which  materi 
ally  contribute  to  an  intelligent  study  of  the  campaign, 
from  a  purely  military  point  of  view.  These  narratives 
are  really  histories  of  the  several  corps  to  which  the 
writers  belonged,  rather  than  capable  surveys  of  the 
whole  situation  ;  but  they  give  us  the  current  gossip  of 
the  camp-fire  and  mess-table,  spiced  with  anecdote,  and 
enlivened  with  the  daily  experiences  through  which  the 
writers  were  passing.  And  this  is  much. 

In  his  defence,  General  Burgoyne  vigorously  ad 
dresses  himself  to  the  four  principal  charges  brought 
forward  by  his  accusers :  namely,  first,  of  encumbering 
himself  with  a  needless  amount  of  artillery  ;  secondly, 
of  taking  the  Fort  Anne  route,  rather  than  the  one  by 
way  of  Lake  George  ;  thirdly,  of  sending  off  an  expedi 
tion  to  Bennington,  under  conditions  inviting  defeat ; 
and,  lastly,  of  crossing  the  Hudson  after  the  disasters 
of  Bennington  and  Fort  Stanvvix  had  taken  place. 

The  real  criticism  upon  Burgoyne's  conduct,  so  far 
as  it  relates  to  the  movement  of  his  forces  only,  seems 
to  be  that  from  the  moment  when  the  march  was  actu 
ally  to  begin,  he  found  himself  in  want  of  everything 
necessary  to  a  rapid  advance.  Thus,  we  find  him 
scarcely  arrived  at  Skenesborough  before  he  is  ask 
ing  Sir  Guy  Carleton  for  reinforcements  to  garrison 
Ticonderoga  and  Fort  George  with,  to  the  end  that  his 
own  force  might  not  be  weakened  by  the  detachments 
required  to  hold  those  fortresses  against  the  Ameri- 


1 2  IN  TROD  UCTION 

cans,  when  he  should  move  on.  It  would  seem  that 
this  contingency,  at  least,  might  have  been  foreseen 
before  it  forced  itself  upon  Burgoyne's  attention.  Yet 
it  was  of  so  serious  a  nature,  in  this  general's  eyes,  that 
he  expresses  a  doubt  whether  his  army  would  be  found 
equal  to  the  task  before  it,  unless  Carleton  would  as 
sume  the  defence  of  the  forts  referred  to  above. 

At  this  time,  too,  the  inadequacy  of  his  transporta 
tion  service  became  so  painfully  evident,  that  the 
expedition  to  Bennington  offeied  the  only  practicable 
solution  to  Burgoyne's  mind. 

These  circumstances  stamp  the  purposed  invasion 
with  a  certain  haphazard  character  at  the  outset,  which 
boded  no  good  to  it  in  the  future. 

Carleton  having  declined  to  use  his  troops  in  the 
manner  suggested,  Burgoyne  was  compelled  to  leave  a 
thousand  men  behind  him  when  he  marched  for  Albany. 
Carleton,  the  saviour  of  Canada,  was  justly  chagrined 
at  finding  himself  superseded  in  the  conduct  of  this 
campaign,  by  an  officer  who  had  served  under  his 
orders  in  the  preceding  one ;  and,  though  he  seems  to 
have  acted  with  loyalty  toward  Burgoyne,  this  is  by  no 
means  the  only  instance  known  in  which  one  general 
has  refused  to  go  beyond  the  strict  letter  of  his  instruc 
tions  for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  a  rival  from  a  dilemma 
into  which  he  had  plunged  with  his  eyes  wide  open. 

The  Prelude  with  which  our  narrative  opens,  under 
takes  first,  to  briefly  outline  the  history  of  the  Northern 
Army,  which  finally  brought  victory  out  of  defeat;  and 
next,  to  render  familiar  the  names,  location,  and  strate- 


IN  TROD  UC  TION  I  3 

gic  value  of  the  frontier  fortresses,  before  beginning  the 
story  of  the  campaign  itself. 

Few  armies  have  ever  suffered  more,  or  more  nobly 
redeemed  an  apparently  lost  cause,  than  the  one  which 
was  defeated  at  Quebec  and  victorious  at  Saratoga. 
The  train  of  misfortunes  which  brought  Burgoyne's 
erratic  course  to  so  untimely  an  end  was  nothing  by 
comparison.  And  the  quickness  with  which  raw 
yeomanry  were  formed  into  armies  capable  of  fighting 
veteran  troops,  affords  the  strongest  proof  that  the 
Americans  are  a  nation  of  soldiers. 

So  many  specific  causes  have  been  assigned  for 
Burgoyne's  failure,  that  it  is  hardly  practicable  to  discuss 
all  of  them  within  reasonable  limits.  The  simplest 
statement  of  the  whole  case  is  that  he  allowed  himself 
to  be  beaten  in  detail.  It  seems  plain  enough  that  any 
plan,  which  exposed  his  forces  to  this  result,  was  neces 
sarily  vicious  in  itself.  "  Moreover,  Burgoyne  wofully 
misestimated  the  resources,  spirit,  and  fighting  capacity 
of  his  adversary.  With  our  forces  strongly  posted  on 
the  MoTTawk"  St.  Leger's  advance  down  the  valley  was 
clearly  impracticable.  Yet  such  a  combination  of 
movements  as  would  bring  about  a  junction  of  the  two 
invading  columns,  at  this  point,  was  all  essential  to  the 
success  of  Burgoyne's  campaign.  To  have  effected 
this  in  season,  Burgoyne  should  have  made  a  rapid 
march  to  the  Mohawk,  intrenched  himself  there,  and 
operated  in  conjunction  with  St.  Leger.  His  delays, 
attributable  first,  to  his  unwise  choice  of  the  Fort  Anne 
route,  next,  to  Schuyler's  activity  in  obstructing  it,  and 


14  INTRODUCTION 

lastly,  to  his  defeat  at  Bennington,  gave  time  to  render 
our  army  so  greatly  superior  to  his  own,  that  the  condi 
tions  were  wholly  altered  when  the  final  trial  of  strength 
came  to  be  made. 

What  might  have  happened  if  Sir  W.  Howe  had 
moved  his  large  army  and  fleet  up  the  Hudson,  in  due 
season,  is  quite  another  matter.  The  writer  does  not 
care  to  discuss  futilities.  In  the  first  place,  he  thinks 
that  Burgoyne's  campaign  should  stand  or  fall  on  its 
own  merits.  In  the  next,  such  a  movement  by  Howe 
would  have  left  Washington  free  to  act  in  the  enemy's 
rear,  or  upon  his  flanks,  with  a  fair  prospect  of  cutting 
him  off-  from  his  base  at  New  York.  Of  the  two  com- 
manders-in-chief,  Washington  acted  most  effectively  in 
reenforcing  Gates's  army  from  his  own.  Howe  could 
not  and  Carleton  would  not  do  this.  From  the  moment 
that  Burgoyne  crossed  the  Hudson,  he  seems  to  have 
pinned  his  faith  to  chance  ;  but  if  chance  has  sometimes 
saved  poor  generalship,  the  general  who  commits  himself 
to  its  guidance,  does  so  with  full  knowledge  that  he  is  cast 
ing  his  reputation  on  the  hazard  of  a  die.  As  Burgoyne 
did  just  this,  he  must  be  set  down,  we  think,  notwithstand 
ing  his  chivalrous  defence  of  himself,  as  the  conspicuous 
failure  of  the  war.  And  we  assume  that  the  importance 
which  his  campaign  implied  to  Europe  and  America, 
more  than  any  high  order  of  ability  in  the  general  him 
self,  has  lifted  Burgoyne  into  undeserved  prominence. 


PRELUDE 


I. 

THE    INVASION    OF    CANADA,    1775. 

ENGLAND  took  Canada  from  France  in  1759,  and 
soon  after  annexed  it  to  her  own  dominions.  Twelve 
years  later,  her  despotic  acts  drove  her  Amer-  Canada's 
lean  colonies  into  open  rebellion.  England  attitude, 
feared,  and  the  colonies  hoped,  Canada  would  join  in 
the  revolt  against  her.  But,  though  they  did  not  love 
their  new  masters,  prudence  counselled  the  Cana 
dians  to  stand  aloof,  at  least  till  the  Americans  had 
proved  their  ability  to  make  head  against  the  might  of 
England. 

That  England  would  be  much  distressed  by  Canada's 
taking  sides  with  the  Americans  was  plain  enough  to 
all  men,  for  the  whole  continent  would  then  be  one  in 
purpose,  and  the  conflict  more  equal ;  but  the  Ameri 
cans  also  greatly  wished  it  because  all  New  England 
and  New  York  lay  open  to  invasion  from  Canada. 

Nature  had  created  a  great  highway,  stretching 
southward  from  the  St.  Lawrence  to  the  Hudson, 
over  which  rival  armies  had  often  passed  to  victory  or 
defeat  in  the  old  wars.  Open  water  offered  an  easy 
transit  for  nearly  the  whole  way.  A  chain  of  forts  ex- 


1 6  PRELUDE 

tended  throughout  its  whole  length.  Chambly  and 
St.  John's  defended  the  passage  of  the  Richelieu, 
through  which  the  waters  of  Lake  Champlain  flow  to 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Crown  Point l  and  Ticonderoga 2 
blocked  the  passage  of  this  lake  in  its  narrowest  part. 
Ticonderoga,  indeed,  is  placed  just  where  the  outlet  of 
Lake  George  falls  down  a  mountain  gorge  into  Lake 
Champlain.  Its  cannon,  therefore,  commanded  that 
outlet  also.  Fort  George  stood  at  the  head  of  Lake 
George,  within  sixteen  miles  of  Fort  Edward,  on  the 
Hudson.  These  were  the  gates  through  which  a  hostile 
army  might  sally  forth  upon  our  naked  frontier.  Much, 
therefore,  depended  on  whether  they  were  to  be  kept 
by  friend  or  foe. 

In  natural  and  artificial  strength,  Ticonderoga  was 
by  far  the  most  important  of  these  fortresses.  At  this 

Ticon-    place  the  opposite   shores  of  New  York  and 

deroga.  Vermont  are  pushed  out  into  the  lake  toward 
each  other,  thus  forming  two  peninsulas,  with  the  lake 
contracted  to  a  width  of  half  a  mile,  or  point-blank 
cannon  range,  between  them:  one  is  Ticonderoga; 
the  other,  Mount  Independence.  Thus,  together,  they 
command  the  passage  of  the  two  lakes. 

Ticonderoga  itself  is  a  tongue-shaped  projection  of 
quite  uneven  land,  broad  and  high  at  the  base,  or 
where  it  joins  the  hills  behind  it,  but  growing  narrower 
as  it  descends  over  intervening  hollows  or  swells  to  its 
farthest  point  in  the  lake.  That  part  next  the  main 
land  is  a  wooded  height,  having  a  broad  plateau  on 
the  brow  —  large  enough  to  encamp  an  army  corps 


PRELUDE  17 

upon  —  but  cut  down  abruptly  on  the  sides  washed  by 
the  lake.  This  height,  therefore,  commanded  the  whole 
peninsula  lying  before  it,  and  underneath  it,  as  well  as 
the  approach  from  Lake  George,  opening  behind  it  in 
a  rugged  mountain  pass,  since  it  must  be  either  crossed 
or  turned  before  access  to  the  peninsula  could  be 
gained.  Except  for  the  higher  hills  surrounding  it, 
this  one  is,  in  every  respect,  an  admirable  military 
position. 

The  French,  who  built  the  first  fortress  here,  had  cov 
ered  all  the  low  ground  next  the  lake  with  batteries  and 
intrenchments,  but  had  left  the  heights  rising  behind  it 
unguarded,  until  Abercromby  attacked  on  that  side  in 
1758.  They  then  hastily  threw  up  a  rude  intrench- 
ment  of  logs,  extending  quite  across  the  crest  in  its 
broadest  part.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the  victory  he  then 
obtained,  Montcalm  was  so  fully  convinced  that  Ticon- 
deroga  could  not  stand  a  siege,  that  he  made  no  secret 
of  calling  it  a  trap,  for  some  honest  man  to  disgrace 
himself  in.3 

Ticonderoga,  however,  was  henceforth  looked  upon 
as  a  sort  of  Gibraltar.  People,  therefore,  were  filled 
with  wonder  when  they  heard  how  Ethan  Allen  had 
surprised  and  taken  it  on  the  9th  of  May,  1775,  with 
only  a  handful  of  men  ;  how  Seth  Warner  had  also 
taken  Crown  Point ;  and  how  Skenesborough  4  and  Fort 
George,  being  thus  cut  off  from  Canada,  had  also 
fallen  into  our  hands  without  firing  a  shot.5 

Thus,  in  the  very  beginning  of  the  war  for  independ 
ence,  and  at  one  bold  stroke,  we  regained  possession  of 


I 8  PRELUDE 

this  gateway  of  the  north;  or  in  military  phrase,  we 
now  held  all  the  strategic  points  by  which  an  advance 
from  Lower  Canada  upon  the  United  Colonies  was 
possible. 

1  CROWN  POINT,  built  by  the  French  in   1731,  greatly  strength 
ened  by  the  British,  who  took  it  in  1759. 

2  TICONDEROGA,  familiarly  called  "  Ty  "  because  the  early  spell 
ing  of  the  name  was  Tyconderoga.     Built  1755-56  by  the  French, 
taken  1759  by  the   British,  under  Amherst     Three  weeks  before 
the  battle  of  Lexington,  an  agent  of  Massachusetts  was  sent  to 
ascertain  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  Canada.     His  first  advice 
was  that  "Ty"  should  be  seized  as  quickly  as  possible. 

3  MONTCALM'S  PROPHECY  came  true  in  St.  Glair's  case  in  1777. 

4  SKENESBOROUGH,  now  Whitehall,  named  for  Philip  Skene,  a 
retired  British  officer,  who  settled  on  lands  granted  him  after  the 
French  War.     He  had  about  fifty  tenants,  and  a  few  negro  slaves. 

5  THE    CAPTURED   ARTILLERY   was   taken   to   Cambridge  on 
sleds  in  midwinter,  by  Colonel   Knox.     It  enabled   Washington 
to  bring  the  siege  of  Boston  to  a  favorable  conclusion. 


II. 

THE    INVASION    OF    CANADA. 

THE  prompt  seizure  of  the  lake  fortresses  had  a 
marked  effect  upon  the  wavering  Canadians.1  Many 
joined  us.  More  stood  ready  to  do  so  whenever  the 
signal  for  revolt  should  be  given.  Success  begets  con 
fidence.  The  Americans  were  now  led  to 
believe  that  by  throwing  an  army  into  Can-  ^^JJ^*1 
ada  at  once,  the  people  would  no  longer 
hesitate  to  free  themselves  from  the  British  yoke.  The 
time  seemed  the  riper  for  it,  because  it  was  known  that 
the  strong  places  of  Canada  were  but  weakly  guarded. 
Could  Quebec  and  Montreal  be  taken,  British  power  in 
Canada  would  be  at  an  end. 

With  such  promise  held  out  before  it,  Congress  re 
solved  to  make  the  attempt.  Forces  were  ordered  to 
both  places.  One  body,  under  General  Montgomery,2 
mustered  at  Ticonderoga.  Ethan  Allen  went  before 
it  to  rouse  the  Canadians,  who  were  expected  to  receive 
the  Americans  with  open  arms..  This  army  moved  down 
the  lake  in  October,  taking  St.  John's  and  Chambly  in 
its  way,  and  Montreal  a  little  later.  The  other,  led  by 
Colonel  Arnold,8  ascended  the  Kennebec  to  its  head, 
crossed  over  to  the  Chaudiere,  which  was  followed  to 
the  St.  Lawrence,  and  came  before  Quebec  at  about  the 

19 


20  PREL  UDE 

same  time  Montgomery  entered  Montreal.  Montgomery 
hastened  to  Arnold  with  a  handful  of  men.  Together 
they  assaulted  Quebec  on  the  morning  of  December  31. 
The  attack  faik/.,  and  Montgomery  fell.  The  Ameri- 
Ourarmy  cans  lay  before  Quebec  till  spring,  when  the 
retreats,  arrival  of  fresh  troops,  for  the  enemy,  forced 
ours  to  retreat  to  Montreal.  This,  too,  was  abandoned. 
Our  army  then  fell  back  toward  Lake  Champlain,  set 
ting  fire  to  Chambly,  and  St.  John's  behind  it.  The 
enemy  followed  close,  recapturing  these  places  as  our 
troops  left  them.  Very  little  fighting  took  place,  but 
the  Americans  were  greatly  disheartened  by  having  con 
stantly  to  retreat,  and  by  the  loss  of  many  brave 
officers  and  men,  who  fell  sick  and  died  of  the  small 
pox.  July  i  the  army  finally  reached  Crown 
Point,  ragged,  sickly,  and  destitute  of  every 
thing.  Weakened  by  the  loss  of  five  thousand  men 
and  three  commanders,  it  was  no  longer  able  to  keep 
the  field.  Instead  of  conquering  Canada,  it  had  been 
driven  out  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The  great 
question  now  was,  whether  this  army  could  hold  its  own 
against  a  victorious  and  advancing  enemy. 

General  Gates  4  took  command  of  the  army  at  this 
critical  time.  Convinced  that  he  could  never  hope  to 
hold  both  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga,  and  knowing 
Ticonderoga  to  be  much  the  stronger,  in  a  military 
view,  he  decided  to  remove  the  army  to  that  place  at 
once.  This  was  promptly  done.5  The  soldiers  were 
set  to  work  strengthening  the  old,  or  building  new, 
works,  under  the  direction  of  skilful  engineers.  Of 


PRELUDE  21 

these  new  works  the  strongest,  as  well  as  most  im 
portant,  because  they  commanded  Ticonderoga  itself, 
were  those  raised  on  the  peninsula  opposite  the  fortress 
on  the  Vermont  side,  which  was  christened  Mount  In 
dependence  on  the  day  the  army  heard  that  the  colonies 
had  declared  themselves  free  and  independent. 

Having  thrown  a  bridge  across  the  strait,  between 
Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence,  the  Americans 
waited  for  the  enemy  to  come  and  attack  them,  for 
with  such  leaders  as  Gates  and  Stark  they  felt  confi 
dent  of  gaining  the  victory. 

The  British  were  equally  active  on  their  side.  After 
driving  the  Americans  from  Canada,  they  next  deter 
mined  to  make  themselves  masters  of  Lake  Champlain, 
recover  the  forts  they  had  lost,  and  so  gain  a  foothold 
for  striking  a  blow  at  our  northern  colonies. 

For  this  purpose  they  set  about  building  a  fleet  at 
St.  John's.  Vessels  were  sent  out  from  England,  for 
the  purpose,  which  were  taken  to  pieces  below  the 
Chambly  rapids,  brought  across  the  portage,  and  put 
together  again  at  St.  John's.  By  working  diligently,  the 
British  got  their  fleet  ready  to  sail  early  in  October. 

Well  knowing  the  importance  of  keeping  possession 
of  the  lake,  the  Americans  turned  Skenesborough  into 
a  dockyard,  and  were  straining  every  nerve  to  get 
ready  a  fleet  strong  enough  to  cope  with  the  British. 
As  everything  needed  for  equipping  it  had  to  be 
brought  from  the  sea-coast,  the  British  had  much  the 
advantage  in  this  respect,  yet  all  labored  with  so  much 
zeal,  that  our  fleet  was  first  ready  for  action.  Gates 


22  PRELUDE 

gave  the  command  of  it  to  Arnold,  who  bad  once  been 
a  sailor,  and  whose  courage  had  been  tried  so  signally 
under  the  walls  of  Quebec. 

By  the  middle  of  August,  Ticonderoga  was  in  fight 
ing  trim.  The  enemy's  delays  had  given  time  to  make 
the  defences  so  strong  that  an  attack  was  rather  hoped 
for  than  feared.  Ignorant  of  the  great  preparations 
making  at  St.  John's,  the  Americans  also  believed 
themselves  strongest  on  the  lake.  Our  fleet,  therefore, 
went  forward  with  confidence  to  the  battle. 

On  the  nth  of  October  the  British  flotilla  was  seen 
coming  up  the  lake.  The  rival  forces  met  at  Valcour 
Island,  and  the  battle  began.  From  noon  till  night  the 
combatants  hurled  broadsides  at  each  other  without 

Naval  ceasing.  The  British  then  drew  off  to  repair 
battle,  damages,  meaning  to  renew  the  fight  in  the 
erl1'  morning.  This  gave  Arnold  a  chance  to  slip 
through  them  unperceived,  for  his  vessels  were  so 
badly  shattered  that  all  hope  of  gaining  the  victory 
was  given  over.  He  was  pursued  and  overtaken. 
Near  Crown  Point  the  battle  began  again,  but  the 
enemy's  superior  forces  soon  decided  it  in  his  favor. 
Rather  than  surrender,  Arnold  ran  his  disabled  vessels 
on  shore,  set  fire  to  them,  and  with  his  men  escaped  to 
the  woods. 

Having  thus  cleared  the  lake,  the  British  commander, 
Guy  Carleton,6  sailed  back  to  St.  John's,  leaving  Ticon 
deroga  unmolested  behind  him,  to  the  great  astonish 
ment  of  our  soldiers,  who  said  Carleton  deserved  to  be 
hanged  for  not  following  up  his  victory  over  Arnold. 


NAVAL   BATTLE,    LAKE   CHAMPLAIN. 

A,  American  flotilla.     B-C,  British.     D,  Line  of  Retreat,  when  the  British 
were  forced  back  to  E. 


PRELUDE  25 

1  THE  WAVERING  CANADIANS.  The  Massachusetts  revolution 
ary  authority  had  been  at  work  upon  the  wavering  Canadians 
since  1774,  with  only  partial  success.  (See  note  2,  preceding 
chapter.)  The  Americans  thought  the  Canadians  would  seize  the 
opportunity  of  freeing  themselves,  but  events  proved  this  opinion 
ill-grounded.  A  political  connection  between  the  Protestants  of 
New  England  and  the  Catholics  of  Canada,  except  for  mutual  de 
fence,  could  hardly  be  lasting,  nor  did  the  priests  favor  it.  The 
military  advantages  were  equally  questionable,  though  great  stress 
was  laid  upon  them  by  Washington  and  Schuyler,  even  after  the 
allegiance  of  the  Canadians  had  been  confirmed  to  the  British 
side  by  the  reverses  our  arms  sustained.  If  we  had  conquered 
Canada,  it  would  doubtless  have  been  handed  over  to  France  again 
at  the  close  of  the  war. 

'2  GENERAL  RICHARD  MONTGOMERY,  of  Irish  birth,  had  served 
under  Amherst  at  the  taking  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga  in 
1759,  settled  in  New  York,  been  one  of  eight  brigadiers  created  by 
Congress  in  June,  1775;  General  Schuyler's  illness  threw  the  chief 
command,  for  which  he  proved  himself  eminently  fitted,  on  Mont 
gomery.  His  having  served  on  this  line  was  much  in  his  favor. 

3  COLONEL  BENEDICT  ARNOLD  had  once  been  a  soldier  at  Ticon 
deroga.  He  went  there  again  with  a  commission  from  Massachu 
setts,  when  the  fortress  was  taken  by  Allen.  He  had  also  spent 
some  time  in  Quebec.  These  facts  had  influence  in  procuring  for 
him  a  command  in  the  invading  expedition. 

*  GENERAL  HORATIO  GATES,  a  retired  British  major,  settled  in 
Virginia,  was  made  adjutant-general  of  the  army,  June,  1775. 

6  THE  REMOVAL  OF  THE  ARMY  from  Crown  Point  to  Ticon 
deroga  was  strongly  opposed  by  Stark  and  others,  and  disap 
proved  by  Washington. 

6  GUY  CARLETON,  British  governor  of  Canada,  though  driven 
from  Montreal  by  Montgomery,  had  successfully  defended  Quebec 
against  him.  He  reconnoitred  Ticonderoga,  but  seems  to  have 
thought  it  too  strong  to  be  attacked  with  his  force. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 


i. 

THE    PLAN    OF  CAMPAIGN. 

AFTER  the  British  had  gone  back  to  Canada,  it  was 
thought  they  would  return  as  soon  as  the  lake  should  be 
frozen  hard  enough  to  bear  artillery.  But  when  it  was 
found  that  they  had  gone  into  winter  quarters,  and  the 
danger  was  past,  part  of  the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga 
was  hurried  off  to  Washington,  who  was  then  fighting 
against  great  odds  in  the  Jerseys.  This  winter  was  the 
dark  hour  of  the  Revolution,  upon  which  the  victory  at 
Trenton  l  shed  the  first  ray  of  light.  So  low  had  the 
American  cause  fallen  at  this  time,  that,  but  for  this 
unlooked-for  success,  it  is  doubtful  if  another  army 
could  have  been  brought  into  the  field. 

The  British  were  really  planning  to  invade  New 
York  as  soon  as  the  lakes  should  be  open  again,  in  the 
spring.  For  this  campaign  great  preparations  were 
making,  both  in  Canada  and  England.  Quiet,  there 
fore,  reigned  at  Ticonderoga  throughout  the  winter  of 
1776  and  1777. 

General  Burgoyne  sailed  for  England  in  November, 
to  lay  before  the  king  a  plan  for  subduing  the  colonies 
in  a  single  campaign.  Burgoyne  was  a  good  soldier, 

27 


28  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

popular  with  the  army  and  government,  brave  to  rash 
ness,  but  vain  and  headstrong.  He  knew  the  Ameri 
cans  were  not  to  be  despised,  for  he  had  seen  them 
fight  at  Bunker  Hill,  as  well  as  in  the  campaign  just 
closed,  in  which  he  himself  had  taken  part ;  yet  an 
easy  confidence  in  his  own  abilities  led  Burgoyne  into 
committing  many  grave  errors,  not  the  least  of  which 
was  underestimating  this  very  enemy.2 

Any  plan  that  promised  to  put  down  the  Americans, 
was  sure  of  gaining  the  king's  ear.  Justice  was  never 
tempered  with  mercy  in  this  monarch's  treatment  of 
his  rebellious  subjects.  His  heart  was  hardened,  his 
hand  ever  ready  to  strike  them  the  fatal  blow.  More 
over,  the  Americans  had  just  now  declared  themselves 
independent  of  Great  Britain.  They  had  crossed  their 
Rubicon.  To  crush  them  with  iron  hand  was  now  the 
king's  one  thought  and  purpose.  No  half 
wants  the  measures  would  do  for  him.  He  told  his 

war  ministers,  in  so  many  words,  that  every  means 
of  distressing  the  Americans  would  meet  with 
his  approval.  Mercenaries,  savages,  refugees  —  all  who 
could  fire  a  shot,  or  burn  a  dwelling,  were  to  be  enrolled 
under  the  proud  old  banner  of  the  isles.  No  more  effect 
ual  means  could  have  been  devised  to  arouse  the  spirit 
of  resistance  to  the  highest  pitch. 

Burgoyne's  ambition  was  kindled  by  the  hope  of 
making  himself  the  hero  of  the  war.  He  combined  the 
qualities  of  general  and  statesman  without  being  great 
as  either.  He  wrote  and  talked  well,  was  eloquent 
and  persuasive,  had  friends  at  court,  and  knew  how  to 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 


29 


make  the  most  of  his  opportunity.  On  his  part,  the 
king  wanted  a  general  badly.  He  had  been  grievously 
disappointed  in  Sir  William  Howe,  whose  victories 
seemed  never  bringing  the  war  any  nearer  to  an  end. 
Burgoyne  brought  forward  his  plan  at  the  right  mo 
ment,  shrewdly  touched  the  keynote  of  the  king's 
discontent  by  declaring  for  aggressive  war,  smoothed 
every  obstacle  away  with  easy  assurance,  and  so  im 
pressed  the  ministers  with  his  capacity,  that  they 
believed  they  had  found  the  very  man  the  king  wanted 
for  the  work  in  hand. 

The  plan  proposed  for  making  short  work  of  the  war 
was  briefly  this  :  The  American  colonies  were  to  be 
divided  in  two  parts,  by  seizing  the  line  of  the  Hudson 
River ;  just  as  in  later  times,  the  Union  armies  aimed 
to  split  the  Southern  Confederacy  in  two  by  getting 
possession  of  the  Mississippi.  To  effect  this,  two 
armies  were  to  act  together.  With  one,  Burgoyne  was 
to  come  down  the  lakes  from  Canada,  and  force  his 
way  to  Albany,  while  the  other  was  coming  up  the 
Hudson  to  join  him.  Once  these  armies  were  united, 
with  full  control  of  the  Hudson  in  their  hands,  New 
England  would  be  cut  off  from  the  other  colonies  by 
forts  and  fleets,  and  the  way  laid  open  to  crush  out 
rebellion  in  what  was  admitted  to  be  its  cradle  and 
stronghold. 

Ever  since  Sir  William  Howe  had  been  driven  from 
Boston,  in  the  spring  of  1776,  the  opinion  prevailed 
among  American  generals  that,  sooner  or  later,  New 
England  would  become  the  battle-ground.8  This  view 


30  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

was  sustained  by  the  enemy's  seizure  of  Newport,  in 
December  of  the  same  year,  so  that  the  Americans 
were  perplexed  at  rinding  themselves  threatened  from 
this  quarter,  until  the  enemy's  plans  were  fully  de 
veloped. 

There  was  yet  another  part  to  the  plan  concerted 
between  Burgoyne  and  the  British  cabinet.  It  was 
seen  that  in  proportion  "as  Burgoyne  moved  down 
toward  Albany,  he  would  have  the  fertile  Mohawk 
valley  on  his  right.  This  valley  was  the  great 
thoroughfare  between  the  Hudson  and  Lake  Ontario, 
Niagara,  and  Detroit.  In  it  were  many  prosperous 
settlements,  inhabited  by  a  vigorous  yeomanry,  who 
were  the  mainstay  of  the  patriot  cause  in  this  quarter. 
The  passage  to  and  fro  was  guarded  by  Fort  Stanwix, 
which  stood  where  Rome  now  is,  and  Fort  Oswego, 
which  was  situated  at  the  lake.  Fort  Stanwix  was  held 
by  the  Americans,  and  Oswego,  by  the  British.  Perceiv 
ing  its  value  to  the  Americans  not  only  as  a  granary, 
St.  Leger's  but  as  a  recruiting  station,  and  in  view  of  the 

part.  danger  of  leaving  it  on  his  flank,  Burgoyne  de 
cided  to  march  a  force  through  this  valley,  clear  it  of  ene 
mies,  and  so  effectively  bring  about  a  timely  cooperation 
between  the  two  branches  of  the  expedition.  Freed 
of  fear  for  himself,  he  could  materially  aid  in  the  work 
intrusted  to  his  auxiliary.  It  followed  that  the  Ameri 
cans,  with  whom  Burgoyne  himself  might  be  contend 
ing,  would,  of  necessity,  be  greatly  distressed  by  their 
inability  to  draw  either  men  or  supplies  from  the  Mo 
hawk  Valley,  no  less  than  by  the  appearance  of  this 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  31 

force  upon  their  own  flank.  The  command  of  it  was 
given  to  Colonel  St.  Leger,  ^vho  was  ordered  to  pro 
ceed  up  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Osvvego,  and  from  thence 
to  Fort  Stanwix  and  Albany. 

It  must  be  allowed  that  this  plan  was  well  conceived; 
yet  its  success  depended  so  much  upon  all  the  parts 
working  in  harmony  together,  that  to  have  set  it  in 
motion,  without  consultation  or  clear  understanding 
between  the  generals  who  were  to  execute  it,  is  incon 
ceivable.  At  a  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from 
the  scene  of  war,  the  British  cabinet  undertook  to 
direct  complicated  military  operations,  in  which  widely 
separated  armies  were  to  take  part.  General  Burgoyne 
received  his  orders  on  the  spot.  General  Howe  did 
not  receive  his  until  the  i6th  of  August;  his  army 
was  then  entering  Chesapeake  Bay.  Burgoyne  was 
being  defeated  at  Bennington,  at  the  time  Howe  was 
reading  his  despatch,  and  learning  from  it  what  he 
had  not  known  before ;  namely,  that  he  was  expected 
to  cooperate  with  the  army  of  Burgoyne.  These  facts 
will  so  sufficiently  illustrate  the  course  that  events  were 
taking,  as  to  foreshadow  their  conclusion  to  the  feeblest 
understanding. 

In  order  to  make  the  war  more  terrible  to  the  Amer 
icans,  the  British  cabinet  decided  to  use  the  Indians  of 
Canada,  and  the  Great  Lakes,  against  them.  Not  even 
the  plea  of  military  necessity  could  reconcile  some 
Englishmen  to  letting  loose  these  barbarians  upon  the 
colonists.  Though  enemies,  they  were  men.  Lord 
Chatham,  the  noblest  Englishman  of  them  all,  cried 


32  BURGOYNE' S  INVASION 

out  against  it  in  Parliament.  "  Who  is  the  man,"  he 
indignantly  asked,  "who*has  dared  to  associate  to  our 
arms  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife  of  the  savage  ? " 
All  knew  he  meant  the  prime  minister,  and,  behind  him, 
the  king  himself.  Had  not  King  George  just  said  that 
any  means  of  distressing  the  Americans  must  meet 
with  his  approval  ? 

1  VICTORY  AT  TRENTON.     After  being  driven  from  the  Jerseys, 
Washington  suddenly  turned  on  his  pursuers,  and  by  the  two  fine 
combats  of  Trenton  and  Princeton,  compelled  much  superior  forces 
everywhere  to  retreat  before  him,  thus  breaking  up  all  the  enemy's 
plans  for  the  ensuing  campaign,  saving  Philadelphia,  and  putting 
new  life  into  the  American  cause. 

2  UNDERESTIMATING  HIS  ENEMY.     Burgoyne  candidly  admits 
as  much  in  his  letter  to  Lord  G.  Germaine.     State  of  the  Expedi 
tion,  Appendix,  xcii. 

3  NEW  ENGLAND  THE  BATTLE-GROUND.     Sir  William  Howe 
did  propose,  at  first,  operating  against  Boston  from  Rhode  Island, 
with  ten  thousand  men,  while  an  equal  force  should  effect  a  junc 
tion  with  the  army  of  Canada,  by  way  of  the  Hudson.     This  pur 
pose  he  subsequently  deferred  for  an  advance  into  Pennsylvania, 
but  Burgoyne  asserts  that  he  was  not  informed  of  the  change  of 
plan  when  he  sailed  for  Canada  in  April ;  and,  though  Sir  William 
Howe  afterward  wrote  him  to  the  same  effect  (July  iyth)  a  letter 
which  was  received  early  in  August,  Burgoyne,  nevertheless,  per 
sisted  in  his  intention  of  passing  the  Hudson,  notwithstanding  he 
knew,  and  says  (August  2Oth),  that  no  operation  had   yet  been 
undertaken  in  his  favor.     State  of  the  Expedition,  188,  189;  Appen 
dix,  xlvii. 


II. 

BURGOYNE'S  ARMY. 

HAVING  thus  outlined  the  plan  of  invasion,  let  us  now 
look  at  the  means  allotted  for  its  execution.  There 
were  in  Canada  ten  thousand  British  soldiers ;  in  New 
York,  thirty  thousand.  Burgoyne  was  to  take  with  him 
seven  thousand,  of  whom  three  thousand  were  Germans 
in  the  pay  of  England.1  In  discipline,  spirit,  and  equip 
ment,  this  was  by  far  the  best  little  army  that  had  yet 
taken  the  field  in  America. 

Good  judges  said  that  England  might  be  searched 
through  and  through  before  such  battalions  could  be 
raised.  Forty  cannon,  splendidly  served  and  equipped, 
formed  its  artillery  train.  All  the  generals,  and  most 
of  the  soldiers,  were  veterans.  In  short,  nothing  that 
experience  could  suggest,  or  unlimited  means  provide, 
was  omitted  to  make  this  army  invincible.  It  was  one 
with  which  Burgoyne  felt  he  could  do  anything,  and 
dare  everything. 

Besides  these  regular  troops,  we  have  said  the  gov 
ernment  had  authorized  and  even  attempted  to  justify 
to  the  world,  the  employment  of  Indians.  Four  hun 
dred  warriors  joined  the  army  when  it  marched,  and  as 
many  more  when  it  reached  Lake  Champlain.  They 
were  to  scour  the  woods,  hang  like  a  storm  cloud  about 

33 


34 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 


the  enemy's  camps,  and  discover  his  every  movement. 
For  this  service  they  had  no  equals.  In  the  woods 
they  could  steal  upon  an  enemy  unawares,  or  He  in 
wait  for  his  approach.  In  the  field  they  were  of  little 
use.  Much  of  the  terror  they  inspired  came  from  the 
suddenness  of  their  onset,  their  hideous  looks  and 
unearthly  war-cries,  and  their  cruel  practice  of  scalping 
the  wounded. 

To  these  were  added  about  an  equal  number  of 
Canadians,  and  American  refugees,  who  were  designed 
to  act  as  scouts,  skirmishers,  or  foragers,  as  the  occa 
sion  might  require.  Being  well  skilled  in  bush-fighting, 
they  were  mostly  attached  to  Frazer's  corps,  for  the 
purpose  of  clearing  the  woods  in  his  front,  getting 
information,  or  driving  in  cattle.  With  his  Indians  and 
irregulars,2  Burgoyne's  whole  force  could  hardly  have 
numbered  less  than  ten  thousand  men. 

Taken  as  a  whole,  this  army  was  justly  thought  the 
equal  of  twice  its  own  number  of  raw  yeomanry,  sud 
denly  called  to  the  field  from  the  anvil,  the  workshop, 
or  the  plough.  Its  strongest  arm  was  its  artillery ;  its 
weakest,  its  Indian  allies. 

Burgoyne  divided  his  force  into  three  corps,  com 
manded  by  Generals  Frazer,  Phillips,  and  Riedesel, — 
all  excellent  officers.  Frazer's  corps  was  mostly  made 
up  of  picked  companies,  taken  from  other  battalions 
and  joined  with  the  24th  regiment  of  the  line.  As  its 
duty  was  of  the  hardest,  so  its  material  was  of  the  best 
the  army  could  afford.  Next  to  Burgoyne,  Frazer  was, 
beyond  all  question,  the  officer  most  looked  up  to  by 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 


35 


the  soldiers ;  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  he  was  a 
thorough  soldier.  His  corps  was,  therefore,  Burgoyne's 
right  arm.  Phillips  commanded  the  artillery ;  and 
Riedesel,  the  Germans. 

In  the  middle  of  June  this  army  embarked  on  Lake 
Champlain.  Of  many  warlike  pageants  the  aged 
mountains  had  looked  down  upon,  perhaps  this  was  the 
most  splendid  and  imposing.  From  the  general  to  the 
private  soldier,  all  were  filled  with  high  hopes  of  a 
successful  campaign.  In  front,  the  Indians,  painted  and 
decked  out  for  war,  skimmed  the  lake  in  their  light 
canoes.  Next  came  the  barges  containing  Frazer's 
corps,  marshalled  in  one  regular  line,  with  gun-boats 
flanking  it  on  each  side ;  next,  the  Royal  George 
and  Inflexible  frigates,  with  other  armed  vessels  form 
ing  the  fleet.  Behind  this  strong  escort,  the  main 
body,  with  the  generals,  followed  in  close  order  :  and, 
last  of  all,  came  the  camp  followers,  of  whom  there 
were  far  too  many  for  the  nature  of  the  service  in 
hand. 

In  the  distance  the  American  watch-boats  saw  this 
gallant  array  bearing  down  upon  them,  in  the  confi 
dence  of  its  power.  Hastening  back  to  Ticonderoga, 
the  word  was  passed  along  the  lines  to  prepare  for 
battle. 

For  the  Mohawk  Valley  expedition,  St.  Leger,  who 
led  it,  took  with  him  about  seven  hundred  regular  troops, 
two  hundred  loyalists,  and  eight  guns.  At  Oswego, 
seven  hundred  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  joined  him. 
With  these,  St.  Leger  started  in  July  for  Fort  Stanwix, 


36  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

which  barred  his  way  to  the  Hudson,  just  as  Ticonde- 
roga  blocked  Burgoyne's  advance  on  the  side  of  Lake 
Champlain. 

1  SOLDIERS  WERE  HIRED  from  the  petty  German  princes  for 
the  American  war.     The    Americans  called  them  all    Hessians, 
because  some  came  from  the  principality  of  Hesse.     George  III. 
also  tried  to  hire  twenty  thousand  Russians  of  Empress  Catharine, 
but  she  gave  him  to  understand  that  her  soldiers  would  be  better 
employed.     There  was  good  material  among  the  Germans,  many 
of  whom  had  served  with  credit  under  the  Great  Frederick ;  but 
the  British  showed  them  little  favor  as  comrades,  while  the  Ameri 
cans  looked  upon  them  as  paid  assassins.     Not  one    in   twenty 
knew  any  English,  so  that  misconception  of  orders  was  not  unfre- 
quent,  though  orders  were  usually  transmitted  from  headquarters 
in  French.     A  jealousy  also  grew  up  out  of  the   belief  that  Bur- 
goyne  gave  the  Germans  the  hardest  duty,  and  the  British  the  most 
praise.      At    Hubbardton,  and   on    the    iQth   of    September,  the 
Germans  saved  him  from  defeat,  yet  he  ungenerously,  we  think, 
lays  the  disaster  of  October  7th  chiefly  at  their  door. 

2  INDIANS  AND   IRREGULARS.     It  is   impossible   to  give   the 
number   of    these    accurately,   as  it  was    constantly   fluctuating. 
Though   Burgoyne  started  with  only  four  hundred   Indians,  the 
number  was  increased  by  five  hundred  at  Skenesborough,  and  he 
was  later  joined  by  some  of  the  Mohawks  from  St.  Leger's  force. 
In  like  manner,  his  two  hundred  and  fifty  Canadians  and  Provin 
cials  had  grown  to  more  than  six  hundred  of  the  latter  before  he 
left  Skenesborough.     Most  of  these  recruits  came  from  the  Ver 
mont  settlements.     They  were  put  to  work   clearing  the    roads, 
scouting,  getting  forward  the  supplies,  collecting  cattle,  etc.     Their 
knowledge  of  the  country  was  greatly  serviceable  to  Burgoyne. 
In  the  returns  given  of  Burgoyne's  regular  troops,  only  the  rank  and 
file   are   accounted  for.     Staff  and  line  officers  would   swell  the 
number  considerably. 


III. 

THE    FALL    OF    TICONDEROGA. 
(Juty  5>   I777-) 

A  HUNDRED  years  ago,  the  shores  of  Lake  Champlain 
were  for  the  most  part  a  wilderness.  What  few  settle 
ments  did  exist  were  mostly  grouped  about  the  south 
east  corner  of  the  lake,  into  which  emigration  had 
naturally  flowed  from  the  older  New  England  States. 
And  even  these  were  but  feeble  plantations,1  separated 
from  the  Connecticut  valley  by  lofty  mountains,  over 
which  one  rough  road  led  the  way. 

Burgoyne's  companions  in  arms  have  told  us  of  the 
herds  of  red  deer  seen  quietly  browsing  on  the  hill 
sides  ;  of  the  flocks  of  pigeons,  darkening  the  air  in 
their  flight ;  and  of  the  store  of  pike,  bass,  and  maske- 
longe  with  which  the  waters  of  the  lake  abounded.  At 
one  encampment  the  soldiers  lived  a  whole  day  on  the 
pigeons  they  had  knocked  off  the  trees  with  poles.  So 
the  passage  of  the  lake  must  have  seemed  more  like  a 
pleasure  trip  to  them  than  the  prelude  to  a  warlike 
campaign. 

In  his  way  up  the  lake,  Burgoyne  landed  at  the 
River  Bouquet,  on  the  west  shore,  where  for  some  days 
the  army  rested. 

To  this  rendezvous,  large  numbers  of  Indians  had 
37 


38  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

come  to  join  the  expedition.  It  was  indispensable  to 
observe  the  customs  which  had  always  prevailed  among 
these  peoples  when  going  to  war.  So  Burgoyne  made 
them  a  speech,  gave  them  a  feast,  and  witnessed  the 
wild  antics  of  their  war  dance. 

He  forbade  their  scalping  the  wounded,  or  destroying 
women  and  children.  They  listened  attentively  to  his 
words,  and  promised  obedience ;  but  these  commands 
were  so  flatly  opposed  to  all  their  philosophy  of  war, 
which  required  the  extinction  of  every  human  feeling, 
that  Burgoyne  might  as  well^have  bidden  the  waters  of 
the  lake  flow  backward,  as  expect  an  Indian  not  to  use 
his  scalping-knife  whenever  an  enemy  lay  at  his  mercy. 

Still,  it  is  to  Burgoyne's  credit  that  he  tried  to  check 
the  ferocity  of  these  savages,  and  we  would  also  chari 
tably  believe  him  at  least  half  ashamed  of  having  to 
employ  them  at  all,  when  he  saw  them  brandishing 
their  tomahawks  over  the  heads  of  imaginary  victims ; 
beheld  them  twisting  their  bodies  about  in  hideous  con 
tortions,  in  mimicry  of  tortured  prisoners ;  or  heard 
them  howling,  like  wild  beasts,  their  cry  of  triumph 
when  the  scalp  is  torn  from  an  enemy's  head. 

While  thus  drawing  the  sword  with  one  hand, 
Burgoyne  took  his  pen  in  the  other.  He  drew  up  a 
paper  which  his  Tory  agents  were  directed  to  scatter 
among  the  people  cf  Vermont,  many  of  whom,  he  was 
assured,  were  at  heart  loyal  to  the  king.  These  he  in 
vited  to  join  his  standard,  or  offered  its  protection  to 
all  who  should  remain  neutral.  All  were  warned  against 
driving  off  their  cattle,  hiding  their  corn,  or  breaking 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  39 

down  the  bridges  in  his  way.  Should  they  dare  dis 
obey,  he  threatened  to  let  loose  his  horde  of  savages 
upon  them.  Such  a  departure  from  the  rules  of  honor 
able  warfare  would  have  justified  the  Americans  in 
declaring  no  quarter  to  the  invaders. 

Well  aware  that  he  would  not  conquer  the  Americans 
with  threats,  Burgoyne  now  gave  the  order  to  his  army 
to  go  forward.  His  view  of  what  lay  before  him  might 
be  thus  expressed  :  The  enemy  will,  probably,  fight  at 
Ticonderoga.  Of  course  I  shall  beat  them.  I  will 
give  them  no  time  to  rally.  When  they  hear  St.  Leger 
is  in  the  valley,  their  panic  will  be  completed.  We 
shall  have  a  little  promenade  of  eight  days,  to  Albany. 

On  June  29  the  army  was  near  Ticonderoga.  This 
day  Burgoyne  made  a  stirring  address  to  his  soldiers, 
in  which  he  gave  out  the  memorable  watchword,  "  This 
army  must  not  retreat" 

The  next  day,  Frazer's  corps  landed  in  full  view  of 
the  fortress.  The  rest  of  the  army  was  posted  on  both 
sides  of  the  lake,  which  is  nowhere  wider  than  a  river 
as  the  fortress  is  approached.  The  fleet  kept  the  middle 
of  the  channel.  With  drums  beating  and  bugles  sound 
ing,  the  different  battalions  took  up  their  allotted 
stations  in  the  woods  bordering  upon  the  lake.  When 
night  fell,  the  watch-fires  of  the  besiegers'  camps  made 
red  the  waters  that  flowed  past  them.  But  as  yet  no 
hostile  gun  boomed  from  the  ramparts  of  Ticonderoga. 

What  was  going  on  behind  those  grim  walls  which 
frowned  defiance  upon  the  invaders  ?  General  Gates 
was  no  longer  there  to  direct.  General  St.  Clair2  was 


40  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

now  in  command  of  perhaps  four  thousand  effective 
men,  with  whom,  nevertheless,  he  hoped  to  defend  his 
miles  of  intrenchments  against  the  assaults  of  twice  his 
own  numbers.  His  real  weakness  lay  in  not  knowing 
what  point  Burgoyne  would  choose  for  attack,  and  he 
had  been  strangely  delinquent  in  not  calling  for  reen- 
forcements  until  the  enemy  was  almost  at  the  gates  of 
the  fortress  itself. 

Burgoyne  knew  better  than  to  heedlessly  rush  upon 
the  lines  that  had  proved  Abercromby's  destruction.8 
He  knew  they  were  too  strong  to  be  carried  without 
great  bloodshed,  and  meant  first  to  invest  the  fortress, 
and  after  cutting  off  access  to  it  on  all  sides,  then  lay 
siege  to  it  in  regular  form. 

To  this  end,  Frazer's  corps  was  moved  up  to  within 

cannon-shot  of  the  works.     His  scouts  soon  found  a 

way  leading  through  old  paths,4  quite  round  the  rear 

of  the  fortress,  to  the  outlet  of  Lake  George. 

Mount  Hope    This   was    promptly  seized.     After   a    little 

seized.  skirmishing,  the  enemy  planted  themselves 
firmly,  on  some  high  ground  rising  behind  the  old 
French  lines,  on  this  side ;  thus  making  themselves 
masters  of  the  communication  with  Lake  George,  and 
enclosing  the  fortress  on  the  rear  or  land  side.  While 
this  was  going  on,  on  the  west  shore,  Riedesel's  Ger 
mans  were  moved  up  still  nearer  Mount  Independence, 
on  the  Vermont  shore,  thus  investing  Ticonderoga  on 
three  sides. 

A  more  enterprising  general  would  never  have  per 
mitted  his  enemy  to  seize  his  communications  with 


THE    INVESTMENT   OF   TICONDEROGA. 
[Pen  and  ink  sketch  by  a  British  officer, .] 

A-B,  Ticonderoga.  C-D-E,  Mount  Independence.  F,  Barracks.  G,  Mount 
Defiance.  H,  Bridge  joining  the  fortress  proper  with  Mount  Independence. 
I.American  Fleet.  "K,  Outlet  of  Lake  George.  O,  British  Fleet.  P,  Three- 
Mile  Point.  Q,  First  Landing  Place  of  Burgoyne.  R,  The  Germans.  T-U,  Posi 
tion  taken  on  Mount  Hope.  W,  Second  Position  of  same  Troops  at  U.  Z,  Portage 
to  Lake  George. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  43 

Lake  George,  without  making  a  struggle  for  their  pos 
session,  but  St.  Clair  appears  to  have  thought  his  forces 
unequal  to  the  attempt,  and  it  was  not  made.  The 
disaster  which  followed  was  but  the  natural  result. 

Just  across  the  basin  formed  by  the  widening  of  the 
outlet  of    Lake  George,  a  steep-sided    mountain   rises 
high  above  all    the  surrounding   region.     Its     Mount 
summit  not  only  looks  down  upon  the  fortress,    Defiance 
in  every  part,  but  over  all  its  approaches  by 
land  or  water.     Not  a  man  could  march  without  being 
distinctly  seen  from  this   mountain.     Yet,  to-day,  the 
eye  measures  its  forest-shagged  sides,  in  doubt  if  they 
can  be  scaled  by  human  feet.     Indeed,  its  ascent  was 
so  difficult  that  the  Americans  had  neglected  to  occupy 
it  at  all.     This  is  Mount  Defiance,  the  most  command 
ing  object  for  miles  around. 

Burgoyne's  engineers  could  not  help  seeing  that  if 
artillery  could  be  got  to  the  top  of  this  mountain, 
Ticonderoga  was  doomed.  They  reconnoitred  it. 
Though  difficult,  they  said  it  might  be  done.  St.  Glair's 
timidity  having  given  them  the  way  to  it,  the 
British  instantly  began  moving  men  and  guns 
round  the  rear  of  the  fortress,  and  cutting  a  road  up  the 
mountain-side.  The  work  was  pushed  forward  day  and 
night.  It  took  most  of  the  oxen  belonging  to  the  army 
to  drag  two  twelve-pounders  up  the  steep  ascent,  but 
when  they  were  once  planted  on  the  summit,  Ticonde 
roga  lay  at  the  mercy  of  the  besiegers. 

When  St.  Clair  saw  the  enemy  getting  ready  to  can 
nonade  him  from    Mount  Defiance,  he  at  once  gave 


44  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

orders  to  evacuate  the  fortress 5  under  cover  of  the  night. 
Most  of  the  garrison  retreated  over  the  bridge  leading 
to  Mount  Independence,  and  thence  by  the  road  to 
Hubbardton.  What  could  be  saved  of  the  baggage  and 
army  stores  was  sent  off  to  Skenesborough,  by  water. 
Hurry  and  confusion  were  everywhere,  for  it  was  not 
doubted  that  the  enemy  would  be  upon  them  as  soon  as 
daylight  should  discover  the  fortress  abandoned.  This 

happened   at  an   early  hour  of  the  morning. 

The  British  instantly  marched  into  the  deserted 
works,  without  meeting  with  the  least  resistance.  Ticon- 
deroga's  hundred  cannon  were  silent  under  the  menace 
of  two.  Burgoyne  was  now  free  to  march  his  victorious 
battalions  to  the  east,  the  west,  or  the  south,  whenever 
he  should  give  the  order. 

1  FEEBLE   PLANTATIONS.      No   permanent    settlements   were 
begun  west  of   the    Green    Mountains  till  after  the  conquest   of 
Canada.     After  that,  the  report  of  soldiers  who  had  passed  over 
the  military  road  from  Charlestown  on  the  Connecticut  River,  to 
Crown  Point,  brought  a  swarm  of  settlers  into  what  is  now  Ben- 
nington  County.     Settlement  began  in  Rutland  County  in  1771. 

2  GENERAL  ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR,  of  Scotch  birth,  had  been  a 
lieutenant  with  Wolfe   at   Quebec ;    he   resigned   and   settled  in 
Pennsylvania;  served  with  our  army  in  Canada;  made  brigadier, 
August,  1776;  major-general,  February,  1777. 

3  ABERCROMBY  lost  two  thousand  men  in  assaulting  these  lines 
in  1758.     Since  then  they  had  been  greatly  strengthened. 

4  THROUGH  OLD  PATHS.     The  Indians  had  passed  this  way 
centuries  before  the  fortress  was  thought  of. 

5  ST.  CLAIR  seems  to  have  waited  just  long  enough  for  the 
defence  to  become  difficult,  to  admit  its  impossibility.     He  chose 
the  part  of  safety  rather  than  that  of  glory. 


IV. 

HUBBARDTON. 

(July  7,  1777.) 

NOT  doubting  he  would  find  Skenesborough  still  in 
our  possession,  St.  Clair  was  pushing  for  that  place 
with  all  possible  speed.  He  expected  to  get  there  by 
land,  before  the  enemy  could  do  so  by  water ;  then, 
after  gathering  up  the  men  and  stores  saved  from  Ticon- 
deroga,  St.  Clair  meant  to  fall  back  toward  Fort 
Edward,  where  General  Schuyler,1  his  superior  offi 
cer,  lay  with  two  thousand  men. 

This  was  plainly  St  Glair's  true  course.  Indeed, 
there  was  nothing  else  for  him  to  do,  unless  he  decided 
to  abandon  the  direct  route  to  Albany  altogether.  So 
St.  Clair  did  what  a  good  general  should.  He  resolved 
to  throw  himself  between  Burgoyne  and  Schuyler,  whose 
force,  joined  to  his  own,  would  thus  be  able,  even  if 
not  strong  enough  to  risk  a  battle,  at  least  to  keep  up  a 
bold  front  toward  the  enemy. 

Though  Burgoyne  really  knew  nothing  about  Schuy- 
ler's  force,  he  was  keenly  alive  to  the  importance  of 
cutting  off  the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga  from  its  line  of 
retreat,  and,  if  possible,  of  striking  it  a  disabling  blow 
before  it  could  take  up  a  new  position.  St.  Clair 
counted  on  stealing  a  march  before  his  retreat  could 

45 


46  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

be  interfered  with.  He  also  depended  on  the  strength 
of  the  obstructions  at  the  bridge  2  of  Ticonderoga  to 
delay  the  enemy's  fleet  until  his  own  could  get  safely  to 
Skenesborough.  In  both  expectations,  St.  Clair  was 
disappointed. 

In  the  first  place,  Burgoyne  had  sent  Frazer  out  in 
pursuit  of  him,  as  soon  as  the  evacuation  was  discov 
ered  ;  in  the  second,  Burgoyne's  gunboats 
had  hewed  their  way  through  the  obstruc 
tions  by  nine  in  the  morning,  and  were  presently 
crowding  all  sail  after  the  American  flotilla,  under 
command  of  Burgoyne  himself. 

Riedesel's  camp,  we  remember,  lay  on  the  Vermont 
side,  and  so  nearest  to  Mount  Independence,  and  St. 
Glair's  line  of  retreat.  Burgoyne,  therefore,  ordered 
Rieclesel  to  fall  in  behind  Frazer,  who  had  just 
marched,  and  give  that  officer  any  support  he  might 
be  in  want  of. 

Thus,  most  of  the  hostile  forces  were  in  active  move 
ment,  either  by  land  or  water,  at  an  early  hour  of  the 
sixth.  Let  us  first  follow  Frazer,  in  his  effort  to 
strike  the  American  rear. 

Frazer  had  with  him  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men  of 
his  own  corps.  He  pushed  on  so  eagerly  that  the  slow- 
moving  Germans  were  far  in  the  rear  when  the  British 
halted  for  the  night,  near  Hubbardton.  The  day  had 
been  sultry,  the  march  fatiguing.  Frazer's  men  threw 
themselves  on  the  ground,  and  slept  on  their  arms. 

St.  Clair  had  reached  Hubbardton  the  same  after 
noon,  in  great  disorder.  He  halted  only  long  enough 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  47 

for  the  rearguard  to  come  up,  and  then  hastened  on, 
six  miles  farther,  to  Castleton,  leaving  Warner,8  with 
three  regiments,  to  cover  his  retreat.  Instead  of 
keeping  within  supporting  distance  of  the  main  body, 
Warner  foolishly  decided  to  halt  for  the  night  where 
he  was,  because  his  men  were  tired,  thus  putting  a  gap 
of  six  miles  between  his  commander  and  himself. 

Warner  did  not  neglect,  however,  to  fell  some  trees 
in  front  of  his  camp,  and  this  simple  precaution,  per 
haps,  proved  the  salvation  of  his  command  the  next 
day. 

At  five  in  the  morning,  Frazer's  scouts  fell  upon 
Warner's  pickets  while  they  were  cooking  their  break 
fasts,  unsuspicious  of  danger.  The  surprise 
was  complete.  With  their  usual  dash,  Frazer's 
men  rushed  on  to  the  assault,  but  soon  found  themselves 
entangled  among  the  felled  trees  and  brushwood,  be 
hind  which  the  Americans  were  hurriedly  endeavoring 
to  form.  At  the  moment  of  attack,  one  regiment  made 
a  shameful  retreat.  The  rest  were  rallied  by  Warner 
and  Francis,4  behind  trees,  in  copses,  or  wherever  a 
vantage-ground  could  be  had.  As  the  combat  took 
place  in  the  woods,  the  British  were  forced  to  adopt 
the  same  tactics.  Musket  and  rifle  were  soon  doing 
deadly  work  in  their  ranks,  every  foot  of  ground  was 
obstinately  disputed,  and  when  they  thought  the  battle 
already  won  they  found  the  Americans  had  only  just 
begun  to  fight. 

For  three  hours,  eight  hundred  men  maintained  a 
gallant  and  stubborn  fight  against  the  picked  soldiers 


48  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

of  Burgoyne's  army,  each  side  being  repeatedly  driven 
from  its  ground  without  gaining  decided  advantage 
over  the  other.  Nor  would  Frazer  have  gained  the 
day,  as  he  at  length  did,  but  for  the  timely  arrival 
of  the  Germans.  Indeed,  at  the  moment  when  the 
British  were  really  beaten  and  ready  to  give  way,  the 
sound  of  many  voices,  singing  aloud,  rose  above  the 
din  of  battle,  and  near  at  hand.  At  first  neither  of 
the  combatants  knew  what  such  strange  sounds  could 
mean.  It  was  Riedesel's  Germans  advancing  to  the 
attack,  chanting  battle  hymns  to  the  fierce  refrain  of 
the  musketry  and  the  loud  shouts  of  the  combatants. 
Fifty  fresh  men  would  have  turned  the  scale  to  either 
side.  This  reinforcement,  therefore,  decided  the  day. 
Being  now  greatly  outnumbered,  the  Americans  scat 
tered  in  the  woods  around  them. 

Although  a  defeat,  this  spirited  little  battle  was 
every  way  honorable  to  the  Americans,  who  fought  on 
until  all  hope  of  relief  had  vanished.  A  single  com 
pany  would  have  turned  defeat  into  victory,  when  to 
the  British,  defeat  in  the  woods,  thirty  miles  from  help, 
meant  destruction.  Even  as  it  was,  they  did  not  know 
what  to  do  with  the  victory  they  had  just  won,  with  the 
loss  of  two  hundred  men,  killed  and  wounded,  seven 
teen  of  whom  were  officers.  They  had  neither  shelter 
nor  medicines  for  the  wounded,  nor  provisions  for  them 
selves.  The  battle  had  exhausted  their  ammunition, 
and  every  moment  was  expected  to  bring  another  swarm 
of  foes  about  their  ears. 

The  Americans  had  three  hundred  men  killed  and 


ST.  GLAIR'S  RETREAT  —  BURGOYNE'S  ADVANCE  ON 
FORT  EDWARD. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  51 

wounded,  and  many  taken.  The  brave  Colonel  Francis, 
who  had  so  admirably  conducted  the  retreat  from 
Ticonderoga,  was  killed  while  rallying  his  men.  Sel 
dom  has  a  battle  shown  more  determined  obstinacy  in 
the  combatants,  seldom  has  one  been  more  bloody  for 
the  numbers  engaged. 

While  Frazer  was  thus  driving  St.  Glair's  rearguard 
before  him  on  the  left,  the  British  were  giving  chase  to 
the  American  flotilla  on  the  lake.  This  had  hardly 
reached  Skenesborough,  encumbered  with  the  sick, 
the  baggage,  and  the  stores,  when  the  British  gun 
boats  came  up  with,  and  furiously  attacked,  it.  Our 
vessels  could  not  be  cleared  for  action  or  make  effec 
tive  resistance.  After  making  what  defence  they  could, 
they  were  abandoned,  and  blown  up  by  their  crews. 
Skenesborough  was  then  set  on  fire,  the  Americans 
making  good  their  retreat  to  Fort  Anne,5  with  the  loss 
of  all  their  stores. 

St.  Clair  heard  of  Warner's  defeat  and  of  the 
taking  of  Skenesborough  almost  at  the  same  hour. 
His  first  plan  had  wholly  miscarried.  His  soldiers 
were  angry  and  insubordinate,  half  his  available  force 
had  been  scattered  at  Hubbardton,  his  supplies  were 
gone,  his  line  of  retreat  in  the  enemy's  hands.  Finding 
himself  thus  cut  off  from  the  direct  route  to  Fort 
Edward,  he  now  marched  to  join  Schuyler  by  way  of 
Rutland,  Manchester,  and  Bennington.  This  he  suc 
ceeded  in  doing  on  the  twelfth,  with  about  half  the  men 
he  had  led  from  Ticonderoga.  Warner,  too,  brought  off 
the  shattered  remnant  of  his  command  to  Bennington. 


52  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

On  his  part,  Schuyler  had  promptly  sent  a  reenforce- 
ment  to  Fort  Anne,  to  protect  St.  Glair's  retreat,  as 
soon  as  he  knew  of  it.  These  troops  soon  found  other 
work  on  their  hands  than  that  cut  out  for  them. 

Burgoyne  was  determined  to  give  the  Americans  no 
time  either  to  rally,  or  again  unite  their  scattered 
bands  in  his  front.  Without  delay,  one  regi 
ment  was  pushed  forward  to  Fort  Anne,  on 
the  heels  of  the  fugitives  who  had  just  left  Skenes- 
borough  in  flames.  When  this  battalion  reached  the 
fort,  instead  of  waiting  to  be  attacked,  the  Americans 
sallied  out  upon  it  with  spirit,  and  were  driving  it 
before  them  in  full  retreat,  when  the  yells  of  some 
Indians,  who  were  lurking  in  the  neighboring  woods, 
spread  such  a  panic  among  the  victors  that  they  gave 
up  the  fight,  set  fire  to  Fort  Anne,  and  retreated  to  Fort 
Edward  with  no  enemy  pursuing  them.  The  defeated 
British  then  fell  back  to  Skenesborough,  so  that  each  de 
tachment  may  be  said  to  have  run  away  from  the  other. 

General  Burgoyne  had  much  reason  to  be  elated 
with  his  success  thus  far.  In  one  short  week  he  had 
taken  Ticonderoga,  with  more  than  one  hundred  can 
non  ;  had  scattered  the  garrison  right  and  left ;  had 
captured  or  destroyed  a  prodigious  quantity  of  warlike 
stores,  the  loss  of  which  distressed  the  Americans  long 
after:  had  annihilated  their  naval  armament  on  the 
lake,  and  had  sown  dismay  among  the  neighboring  colo 
nies  broadcast.  It  was  even  a  question  whether  there 
was  any  longer  a  force  in  his  front  capable  of  offering 
the  least  resistance  to  his  march. 


BLOCK    HOUSE,    FORT   ANNE. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  55 

With  these  exploits,  the  first  stage  of  the  invasion 
may  be  said  to  have  ended.  If  ever  a  man  had  been 
favored  by  fortune,  Burgoyne  was  that  man.  The  next 
stage  must  show  him  in  a  very  different  light,  as  the 
fool  of  fortune,  whose  favors  he  neither  knew  how  to 
deserve  when  offered  him,  nor  how  to  compel  when 
withheld. 

1  GENERAL  PHILIP  SCHUYLER,  one  of  the  four  major-generals 
first  created  by  Congress,  June,  1775.     Had  seen  some  service  in 
the  French  War ;  was  given  command  of  the  Northern   Depart 
ment,  including  Ticonderoga,   Crown   Point,  Fort   Stanwix,  etc., 
February,  1777,  as  the  one  man  who  could  unite  the  people  of  New 
York  against  the  enemy.     Gates  declined  to  serve  under  him. 

2  OBSTRUCTIONS    AT    THE    BRIDGE.       The    Americans    had 
stretched  a  boom  of  logs,  strongly  chained  together,  across  the 
strait. 

3  SETH  WARNER  was  on  the  way  to  Ticonderoga  when  he  met 
St.  Clair  retreating.     The  rearguard,  which  Colonel  Francis  had 
previously  commanded,  was  then  increased,  and  put  under  War 
ner's  orders. 

4  COLONEL  EBENEZER  FRANCIS  of  Newton,  Mass.,  colonel,  nth 
Massachusetts  Regiment.     His  bravery  was  so  conspicuous  that 
the  British  thought  he  was  in  chief  command  of  the  Americans. 

6  FORT  ANNE,  one  of  the  minor  posts  built  during  the  French 
War  to  protect  the  route  from  Albany  to  Lake  Champlain.  It 
consisted  of  a  log  blockhouse  surrounded  by  a  palisade.  Boat 
navigation  of  Lake  Champlain  began  here,  fourteen  miles  from 
Skenesborough,  by  Wood  Creek  flowing  into  it. 


V. 

FACING   DISASTER. 

ONE  of  Washington's  most  trusted  generals  said,  and 
said  truly,  that  it  was  only  through  misfortune  that  the 
Americans  would  rise  to  the  character  of  a  great  peo 
ple.  Perhaps  no  event  of  the  Revolution  more  signally 
verified  the  truth  of  this  saying,  than  the  fall  of 
Ticonderoga. 

Let  us  see  how  this  disaster  was  affecting  the  North 
ern  States.  In  that  section,  stragglers  and  deserters 
were  spreading  exaggerated  accounts  of  it  on  every  side. 
In  Vermont,  the  settlers  living  west  of  the  mountains 
were  now  practically  defenceless.  Burgoyne's  agents 
were  undermining  their  loyalty ;  the  fall  of  Ticonde 
roga  had  shaken  it  still  more.  Rather  than  abandon 
their  farms,  many  no  longer  hesitated  to  put  themselves 
under  British  protection.  Hundreds,  who  were  too 
patriotic  to  do  this,  fled  over  the  mountains,  spreading 
consternation  as  they  went.  From  Lake  Champlain  to 
the  New  England  coast,  there  was  not  a  village  which 
did  not  believe  itself  to  be  the  especial  object  of 
Burgoyne's  vengeance.  Indeed,  his  name  became  a 
bugbear,  to  frighten  unruly  children  with. 

Of  those  who  had  been  with  the  army,  many  believed 
it  their  first  duty  to  protect  their  families,  and  so  went 

56 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  $? 

home.  Numbers,  who  were  on  the  way  to  Ticoncleroga, 
turned  back,  on  hearing  that  it  was  taken.  To  Bur- 
goyne,  these  results  were  equal  to  a  battle  gained,  since 
he  was  weakening  the  Americans,  just  as  surely,  in  this 
way,  with  entire  safety  to  himself. 

In  despair,  those  settlers  who  stood  faithful  among 
the  faithless,  turned  to  their  New  Hampshire  brethren. 
"  If  we  are  driven  back,  the  invader  will  soon  be  at 
your  doors,"  they  said.  "We  are  your  buckler  and 
shield.  Our  humble  cabins  are  the  bulwark  of  your 
happy  firesides.  But  our  hearts  fail  us.  Help  us  or 
we  perish ! " 

Could  Schuyler  do  nothing  for  these  suffering  peo 
ple  ?  To  let  them  be  ruined  and  driven  out  was  not 
only  bad  policy,  but  worse  strategy.  He  knew  that 
Burgoyne  must  regard  these  settlements  with  foreboding, 
as  the  home  of  a  hostile  and  brave  yeomanry,  whose 
presence  was  a  constant  threat  to  him.  To  maintain 
them,  then,  was  an  act  of  simplest  wisdom.  Schuyler 
could  ill  spare  a  single  soldier,  yet  it  was  necessary  to 
do  something,  and  that  quickly,  for  all  New  England 
was  in  a  tumult,  and  Burgoyne  said  to  be  marching 
all  ways  at  once.  What  wonder,  since  Washington 
himself  believed  New  England  to  be  the  threatened 
point ! 1 

Warners  regiment  had  been  recruited  among  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys  of  this  very  section.  Schuyler 
posted  what  was  left  of  it  at  Manchester,  to  be  at  once  a 
rallying-point  for  the  settlers,  a  menace  to  the  loyalists, 
and  a  defence  against  Burgoyne's  predatory  bands, 


58  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

who  were  already  spreading  themselves  out  over  the 
surrounding  region.  It  was  not  much,  but  it  was 
something. 

From  New  Hampshire,  the  panic  quickly  spread  into 
Massachusetts,  and  throughout  all  New  England.  As 
usually  happens,  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga  was  laid  at 
the  door  of  the  generals  in  chief  cogpmand.  Many 
accused  St.  Clair  of  treacherous  dealing.  Everywhere, 
people  were  filled  with  wrath  and  astonishment.  "  The 
fortress  has  been  sold ! "  they  cried.  Some  of  the 
officers,  who  had  been  present,  wrote  home  that  the 
place  could  have  held  out  against  Burgoyne  for  weeks, 
or  until  help  could  have  arrived.  This  was  sure  to  find 
ready  believers,  and  so  added  to  the  volume  of  denun 
ciation  cast  upon  the  head  of  the  unlucky  St.  Clair. 

But  these  passionate  outbursts  of  feeling  were  soon 
quenched  by  the  necessity  all  saw  for  prompt  action. 
Once  passion  and  prejudice  had  burned  out,  our  people 
nobly  rose  to  the  demands  of  the  situation.  But  con 
fidence  in  the  generals  of  the  Northern  army  was  gone 
forever.  The  men  of  New  England  would  not  sit  long 
in  the  shadow  of  defeat,  but  they  said  they  would  no 
more  be  sacrificed  to  the  incompetency  of  leaders  who 
had  been  tried  and  found  wanting.  Congress  had  to 
pay  heed  to  this  feeling.  Washington  had  to  admit  the 
force  of  it,  because  he  knew  that  New  England  must 
be  chiefly  looked  to  in  this  crisis,  to  make  head  against 
Burgoyne.  If  she  failed,  all  else  would  fail. 

If  we  turn  now  to  New  York,  what  do  we  see  ?  Five 
counties  in  the  enemy's  hands.  Three  more,  so  divided 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  59 

against  themselves  as  to  be  without  order  or  govern 
ment.      Of  the  remaining  six,  the  resources  of  Orange, 
Ulster,  and  Dutchess   were   already  heavily       p  Van 
taxed  with  the  duty  of  defending  the  passes    Cortiandt's 
of  the  Hudson  ;  Westchester  was  being  over-       letters- 
run  by  the  enemy,   at  will ;    only  Tryon   and  Albany 
remained,  and  in  Tryon,  every  able-bodied  citizen,  not  a 
loyalist,  was  arming  to  repel  the  invasion  of  St.  Leger, 
now  imminent. 

We  have  thus  briefly  glanced  at  the  dangers  resulting 
from  the  fall  of  Ticonderoga,  at  the  resources  of  the  sec 
tions  which  Burgoyne  was  now  threatening  to  lay  waste 
with  fire  and  sword,  and  at  the  attitude  of  the  people 
toward  those  generals  who  had  so  grievously  disap 
pointed  them  in  the  conduct  of  the  campaign,  up  to 
this  time. 

In  the  words  of  one  distinguished  writer,  "  The  evacua 
tion  of  Ticonderoga  was  a  shock  for  which  no  part  of 
the  United  States  was  prepared."  In  the  Ian-  john 
guage  of  another,  "  No  event  throughout  the  Marshall, 
whole  war  produced  such  consternation,  nothing  could 
have  been  more  unexpected." 

It  was  not  so  much  the  loss  of  the  fortress  itself, 
—  as  costly  as  it  was  to  the  impoverished  colonies,  that 
could  have  been  borne,  —  but  the  people  had  been  led  to 
believe,  and  did  believe,  it  was  next  to  impregnable  ; 
nor  could  they  understand  why  those  who  had  been 
intrusted  with  its  defence  should  have  fled  without 
striking  a  blow,  or  calling  for  assistance  until  too  late. 

Congress  immediately  ordered  all  the  generals  of  the 


60  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

Northern  army2  to  Philadelphia,  in  order  that  their 
conduct  might  be  looked  into.  John  Adams  hotly 
declared  that  they  would  never  be  able  to  defend  a 
post  until  they  shot  a  general.  But  Washington,  always 
greatest  in  defeat,  hastened  to  show  how  such  a  step 
was  doubly  dangerous  to  an  army  when  fronting  its 
enemy,  and  wisely  procured  its  suspension  for  the 
present.  He  first  set  himself  to  work  to  soothe  Schuy- 
ler's  wounded  pride,  while  stimulating  him  to  greater 
activity.  "  We  should  never  despair,"  he  nobly  said. 
And  again  :  "  If  new  difficulties  arise,  we  must  only  put 
forth  new  exertions.  I  yet  look  forward  to  a  happy 
change."  It  was  indeed  fortunate  that  one  so  stout  of 
heart,  with  so  steady  a  hand,  so  firm  in  the  belief  of 
final  triumph,  so  calm  in  the  hour  of  greatest  danger, 
should  have  guided  the  destinies  of  the  infant  nation  at 
this  trying  hour. 

1  THE  THREATENED  POINT.    Baffled  in  his  purpose  of  taking 
Philadelphia  by  Washington's  success  at  Trenton,  Sir  William 
Howe  had  decided  on  making  another  attempt ;  but  his  manoeuvres 
led  Washington  to  believe  Howe  was  going  to  Newport,  R.I.,  with 
the  view  of  overrunning  Massachusetts.     See  Note  3,  "  Plan  of 
Campaign"  (p.  32). 

2  GENERALS  OF  THE  NORTHERN    ARMY.     Schuyler  and   St. 
Clair  were  chiefly  inculpated.     Brigadiers  Poor,  Patterson,  and 
De  Fermoy,  who  were  with  St.  Clair  at  Ticonderoga,  were  included 
in  the  order.     All  had  agreed  in  the  necessity  for  the  evacuation, 
and  all  came  in  for  a  share  of    the  public   censure.     Poor  and 
Patterson   nobly  redeemed   themselves  in   the   later   operations 
against  Burgoyne. 


VI. 

THE   MARCH   TO    FORT  EDWARD.1 

IT  is  a  well-known  maxim  of  war,  that  the  general 
who  makes  the  fewest  mistakes  will  come  off  conqueror. 

In  his  haste  to  crush  the  Americans  before  they 
could  combine  against  him,  Burgoyne  had  overshot  his 
mark.  His  troops  were  now  so  widely  scattered  that 
he  could  not  stir  until  they  were  again  collected.  By 
the  combats  of  Hubbardton  and  Fort  Anne,  nothing 
material  had  been  gained,  since  St.  Clair  was  at  Fort 
Edward  by  the  time  Frazer  got  to  Skenesborough,  and 
the  Americans  had  returned  to  Fort  Anne  as  soon  as 
the  British  left  the  neighborhood. 

After  the  battle  of  Hubbardton,  Riedesel  was  posted 
at  Castleton,  in  order  to  create  the  impression  that  the 
British  army  was  moving  into  New  England.  By  this 
bit  of  strategy,  Burgoyne  expected  to  keep  back  ree'n- 
forcements  from  Schuyler.  Riedesel's  presence  also 
gave  much  encouragement  to  the  loyalists,  who  now 
joined  Burgoyne  in  such  numbers  as  to  persuade  him 
that  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants  were  for  the  king. 
The  information  they  gave,  proved  of  vital  consequence 
in  determining  Burgoyne's  operations  in  the  near  future. 

Two  routes  were  now  open  to  Burgoyne.  Contrary 
to  sound  judgment,  he  decided  on  marching  to  Fort 

61 


62  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

Edward,  by  way  of  Fort  Anne,  instead  of  going  back 
to  Ticonderoga,  making  that  his  depbt,  and  proceed 
ing  thence  up  Lake  George  to  Fort  Edward  and  the 
Hudson.  Unquestionably,  the  latter  route  would 
have  taken  him  to  Albany,  by  the  time  he  actually 
reached  Fort  Edward,  and  in  much  better  condition  to 
fight. 

Burgoyne  had  said  he  was  afraid  that  going  back  to 
Ticonderoga  would  dispirit  his  soldiers.  It  could  have 
been  done  in  half  the  time  required  for  bringing  the 
supplies  up  to  it  at  Skenesborough,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  long  and  fatiguing  marches  saved  by  water  carnage 
across  Lake  George. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  from  the  moment  Burgoyne  de 
cided  in  favor  of  the  Fort  Anne  route,  that  moment  the 
possession  of  Fort  Anne  became  a  necessity  to  him. 
Had  he  first  attacked  it  with  fifteen  hundred  men,  in 
stead  of  five  hundred,  he  would  have  taken  it ;  but  even 
if  he  had  occupied  it  after  the  fight  of  the  eighth,  the 
Americans  would  have  been  prevented  from  blocking 
his  way,  as  they  subsequently  did  with  so  much  effect. 
In  Burgoyne's  case,  delays  were  most  dangerous.  It 
seems  only  too  plain,  that  he  was  the  sort  of  gen 
eral  who  would  rather  commit  two  errors  than  retract 
one. 

Let  us  see  what  Burgoyne's  chosen  route  offered  of 
advantage  or  disadvantage.  The  distance  by  it  to  Fort 
Edward  is  only  twenty-six  miles.  By  a  good  road,  in 
easy  marches,  an  army  should  be  there  in  two  days ; 
in  an  exigency,  in  one.  It  was  mostly  a  wilderness 


OLD   FORT   EDWARD. 
A,  Magazine.     B,  Barracks.     C,  Storehouse.     D,  Hospital. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  65 

country,  and,  though  generally  level,  much  of  it  was  a 
bog,  which  could  only  be  made  passable  by  laying  down 
a  corduroy  road.  There  were  miles  of  such  road  to  be 
repaired  or  built  before  wagons  or  artillery  could  be 
dragged  over  it.  Indeed,  a  worse  country  to  march 
through  can  hardly  be  imagined.  On  the  other  hand, 
of  this  twenty-six  miles,  Wood  Creek,  a  tributary  of 
Lake  Champlain,  afforded  boat  navigation  for  nine  or 
ten,  or  as  far  as  Fort  Anne,  for  the  artillery,  stores, 
and  baggage. 

But  while  Burgoyne  was  getting  his  scattered  forces 
again  in  hand,  and  was  bringing  everything  up  the  lake 
to  Skenesborough,  the  garrison  of  Fort  Edward  had 
been  spreading  themselves  out  over  the  road  he  meant 
to  take,  and  were  putting  every  obstacle  in  his  way  that 
ingenuity  could  devise  or  experience  suggest.  Hun 
dreds  of  trees  were  felled  across  the  road.  The  navi 
gation  of  Wood  Creek  was  similarly  interrupted.  Those 
trees  growing  on  its  banks  were  dexterously  dropped 
so  as  to  interlock  their  branches  in  mid-stream.  Farms 
were  deserted.  All  the  live-stock  was  driven  out  of 
reach,  to  the  end  that  the  country  itself  might  offer  the 
most  effectual  resistance  to  Burgoyne's  march. 

Burgoyne  could  not  move  until  his  working  parties 
had  cleared  the  way,  in  whole  or  in  part.  From  this 
cause  alone,  he  was  detained  more  than  a  week  at 
Skenesborough.  This  delay  was  as  precious  to  the 
Americans  as  it  was  vexatious  to  Burgoyne,  since  it 
gave  them  time  to  bring  up  reinforcements,  form 
magazines,  and  prepare  for  the  approaching  struggle, 


66  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

while  the  enemy's  difficulties  multiplied  with  every  mile 
he  advanced. 

At  length  the  British  army  left  Skenesborough.     It 

took   two  days  to  reach  Fort  Anne,  and  five  to  arrive 

at  Fort  Edward,  where  it  halted  to  allow  the 

July  25. 

heavy  artillery,  sent  by  way  of  Lake  George, 
to  join  it ;  give  time  to  bring  up  its  supplies  of  food  and 
ammunition,  without  which  the  army  was  helpless  to 
move  farther  on  ;  and.  meanwhile,  permit  the  general 
to  put  in  execution  a  scheme  by  which  he  expected  to 
get  a  supply  of  cattle,  horses,  carts,  and  forage,  of  all  of 
which  he  was  in  pressing  want. 

Still  another  body  of  savages  joined  Burgoyne  at 
Fort  Edward.  Better  for  him  had  they  staid  in  their 
native  wilds,  for  he  presently  found  himself  equally 
powerless  to  control  their  thirst  for  blood,  or  greed  for 
plunder. 

Not   yet   feeling   himself   strong   enough   to   risk    a 

battle,  Schuyler  decided  to  evacuate  Fort  Edward  on 

the  enemy's  approach.     He  first  called  in  to  him  the 

garrison   at   Fort    George.      Nixon's  brigade, 

which    had    just   been   obstructing    the    road 

from    Fort    Anne,    was    also    called    back.      All    told, 

Schuyler    now    had    only    about   four    thousand    men. 

With  chese  he  fell  back ;  first,  to  Moses's  Creek,  then 

to  Saratoga,  then  to  Stillvvater. 

1  FORT  EDWARD,  a  link  in  the  chain  of  forts  extending  between 
Canada  and  the  Hudson, — first  called  Fort  Lyman,  for  Colonel 
Phineas  Lyman,  who  built  it  in  1755,  —  stood  at  the  elbow  of  the 
Hudson,  where  the  river  turns  west,  after  approaching  within  six- 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  6/ 

teen  miles  of  Lake  George,  to  which  point  there  was  a  good  mili 
tary  road.  The  fort  itself  was  only  a  redoubt  of  timber  and  earth, 
surrounded  by  a  stockade,  and  having  a  casern,  or  barrack,  inside, 
capable  of  accommodating  two  hundred  soldiers.  It  was  an  im 
portant  military  position,  because  this  was  the  old  portage,  or 
carrying-place,  from  the  Hudson  to  Lake  George,  though  the  fort 
was  no  great  matter. 


VII. 

BEFORE    BENNINGTON. 

ON  the  gth  of  August,  Frazer's  corps  moved  down  to 
Duer's  house,  seven  miles  from  Fort  Edward,  and 
Frazer  seven  from  Saratoga.  This  was  done  to 
advances,  cover  the  expedition  Burgoyne  had  planned ; 
first,  to  confirm  the  belief  that  he  was  about  to  fall  on 
New  England,  and,  next,  for  supplying  his  army  with 
horses,  cattle,  carts,  provisions,  forage  —  everything,  in 
short,  of  which  he  stood  in  want.  Both  objects  would 
be  gained  at  once,  since  fear  of  the  first  would  make 
easy  the  second. 

Burgoyne  ached  to  strike  a  blow  at  New  England. 
The  successes  he  had  just  met  with  tempted  him  on 
Reaiob'ect  towarc^  n*s  wishes ;  yet  he  dared  not  go  too 

of  the        far,  because  the  king's  orders  forbade  his  turn- 

Benraidgt°n      illg  aSide  fr°m  hiS  main  °bJeCt>  t0  marcn  into 

New  England,  as  he  himself  had  asked  for 
discretionary  power  «to  do,  when  laying  his  plan  before 
the  ministers.  Still,  as  New  England  was  to  be  the 
final  object  of  the  campaign,  Burgoyne  was  impatient 
to  set  about  humbling  her  in  good  earnest.  Events 
were  working  so  favorably  for  him,  that  he  now  saw  his 
chance  to  go  at  least  half  way  toward  his  desires.  So 
the  expedition,  to  Bennington  was  certainly  far  from 

68 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  69 

being  the  effect  of  any  sudden  decision  on  Burgoyne's 
part,  or  wholly  clue  to  the  pressing  want  of  supplies. 
It  would,  we  think,  have  been  undertaken  in  any 
event. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  victualling  of  his  army  was  the 
one  obstacle  to  Burgoyne's  advance  to  Albany.  So  long 
as  every  pound  of  bread  and  meat  had  to  be  brought 
from  Quebec  to  Skenesborough,  and  from  Skenesbor- 
ough  to  his  camp,  the  farther  the  army  marched,  the 
greater  the  difficulty  of  feeding  it  became.  It  was 
now  living  from  hand  to  mouth,  so  to  speak.  Nobody 
but  Tories  would  sell  it  a  pound  of  beef  or  an  ear  of 
corn.  What  gold  could  not  buy,  Burgoyne  determined 
to  take  by  force.  If  enough  could  be  gleaned,  in  this 
way,  from  the  country  round,  he  could  march  on  ;  if 
not,  he  must  halt  where  he  was,  until  sufficient  could  be 
brought  up  over  a  road  every  day  growing  longer  and 
more  dangerous.  Burgoyne  would  never  submit  to  the 
last  alternative  without  trying  the  first. 

For  the  moment  then,  the  problem,  how  to  feed  his 
army  so  as  to  put  it  in  motion  with  the  least  possible 
delay,  was  all-important  with  General  Burgoyne.  The 
oldest,  and  most  populous,  of  the  Vermont  settlements 
lay  within  striking  distance  on  his  left.  He  knew  that 
rebel  flour  was  stored  in  Bennington.  He  had  been 
told  that  half  the  farmers  were  loyal  at  heart,  and  that 
the  other  half  would  never  wait  for  the  coining  of  Brit 
ish  veterans.  Burgoyne  was  puffed  up  with  the  notion 
that  he  was  going  to  conjure  the  demon  of  rebellion 
with  the  magic  of  his  name.  Already  he  saw  himself 


70  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

not  only  a  conqueror,  but  lawgiver  to  the  conquered. 
On  the  whole,  the  plan  seemed  easy  of  accomplishment. 
Burgoyne  was  like  a  man  starving  in  the  midst  of 
plenty.  Supplies  he  must  have.  If  they  could  be 
wrung  from  the  enemy,  so  much  the  better. 

An  expedition  chiefly  designed  to  rob  barnyards, 
corn-cribs,  and  henroosts  promised  little  glory  to  those 
engaged  in  it.  This  may  have  been  the  reason  why 
Burgoyne  chose  to  employ  his  Germans,  who  were 
always  excellent  foragers,  rather  than  his  British  sol 
diers.  Perhaps  he  thought  the  Germans  would  inspire 
most  fear.  Be  that  as  it  may,  never  did  a  general 
make  a  more  costly  mistake.1 

The  command  was  given  to  Colonel  Baum,  who,  with 
about  a  thousand  Germans,  Indians,  Canadians,  and 

Baum  refugee  loyalists,  started  out  from  camp  on 
marches  for  his  maraud,  on  the  eleventh,  halted  at  Batten- 

3ennington.     Km    ^  ^  ^^  and  reached    Cambridge 

on  the  thirteenth.  He  was  furnished  with  Tory  guides, 
who  knew  the  country  well,  and  with  instructions  look 
ing  to  a  long  absence  from  the  army. 

Burgoyne  then  began  manoeuvring  so  as  to  mask 
Baum's  movements  from  Schuyler. 

Frazer  was  marched   down  to    Batten-Kill,  with  his 
own   and  Breyman's  corps.     Leaving  Breyman  here  to 
Frazer        support  either  Baum   or  himself,   in  case  of 
crosses  the     need,  Frazer  crossed  the  Hudson  on  the  four- 
Hudson.       teentjlj  and  encamped  on  the  heights  of  Sara 
toga  that  night.     The  rest  of  the  army  moved  on  to 
Duer's,  the  same  day.     By  thus  threatening  Schuyler 


POSITION    OF   BELLIGERENTS    BEFORE    BENNINGTON. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  73 

with  an  advance  in  force,  of  which  Frazer's  crossing 
was  conclusive  proof,  Burgoyne  supposed  Baum  would 
be  left  to  plunder  at  his  leisure,  but  he  seems  to  have 
thought  little  of  the  opposition  which  Baum,  on  his  side, 
might  meet  with  from  the  settlers  themselves ;  though 
this  too  was  provided  against  in  Baum's  orders,  and  by 
posting  Breyman  on  Baum's  line  of  march. 

If  Baum  succeeded  to  his  wishes,  Burgoyne  meant  to 
throw  the  whole  army  across  the  Hudson  immediately. 
Already  Frazer  was  intrenching  at  Saratoga,  with  the 
view  of  protecting  the  crossing.  Having  now  so  placed 
his  troops  as  to  take  instant  advantage  of  Baum's 
success,  of  which  he  felt  no  manner  of  doubt,  Bur 
goyne  could  only  sit  still  till  Baum  should  be  heard 
from. 

Meanwhile,  the  New  England  militia  were  flocking 
to  Manchester  in  squads,  companies,  or  regiments. 
Washington  had  said  they  were  the  best  yeomanry  in 
the  world,  and  they  were  about  to  prove  their  right  to 
this  title  more  decisively  than  ever.  Ministers  dis 
missed  their  congregations  with  the  exhortation,  "  He 
that  hath  no  sword,  let  him  sell  his  garment,  and  buy 
one."  Some  clergymen  even  took  a  musket  and  went 
into  the  ranks.  Apathy  and  the  numbness  that  suc 
ceeds  defeat  were  dissipated  by  these  appeals  and 
these  examples. 

It  was  Washington's  policy  to  keep  a  force  on  Bur- 
goyne's  flank,  which  might  be  used  to  break  up  his 
communications,  cut  off  his  provision  trains,  or  other 
wise  so  harass  him  as  to  delay  his  march.  In  General 


74  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

Lincoln  2  he  found  an  officer,  at  once  capable  and  brave, 
who  had  the  confidence  of  the  New  England  people. 
Lincoln  was,  therefore,  sent  to  take  command  of  the 
militia  now  mustering  at  Manchester. 

At  the  same  time,  New  Hampshire  called  upon  the 
veteran  Stark3  to  lead  her  forces  into  the  field.  Stark 
had  left  the  army  in  disgust,  because  Congress  had 
promoted  other  officers  over  his  head,  not  more  worthy 
than  himself.  He  was  still  smarting  under  the  sense 
of  wrong,  when  this  command  was  offered  him.  He 
was  like  Achilles,  sulking  in  his  tent. 

Stark  said  that  he  asked  nothing  better  than  to 
fight,  but  insisted  that  he  would  do  so  only  upon 
condition  that  the  State  troops  should  be  exclu 
sively  under  his  orders.  To  agree  to  this  would  be 
practically  an  exercise  of  State  sovereignty.  But  time 
pressed,  Stark's  name  was  a  host  in  itself :  it  was 
thought  best  to  give  his  wounded  vanity  this  sop : 
for,  by  general  consent,  he  was  the  only  man  for  the 
crisis. 

Lincoln  found  six  hundred  men  assembled  at  Man 
chester,  most  of  whom  belonged  to  Stark's  brigade. 
On  the  seventh,  Stark  himself  arrived  with 
eight  hundred  more.  By  Schuyler's  order, 
Lincoln  desired  Stark  to  march  them  to  the  main  army 
at  once.  Stark  replied  that,  being  in  an  independent 
command,  he  would  take  orders  from  nobody  as  to  how 
or  where  he  should  move  his  troops. 

Though  plainly  subversive  of  all  military  rules,  Stark's 
obstinacy  proved  Burgoyne's  destruction  ;  for  if  Schuyler 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  75 

had  prevailed,  there  would  never  have  been  a  battle  of 
Bennington. 

Though  undoubtedly  perplexed  by  the  situation  in 
which  he  found  himself  placed,  of  antagonism  to  the 
regularly  constituted  military  authority  of  the  nation, 
Stark's  future  operations  show  excellent  military  judg 
ment  on  his  part.  He  was  not  going  to  abandon 
Schuyler,  or  leave  Vermont  uncovered ;  still  less  was 
he  disposed  to  throw  away  the  chance  of  striking 
Burgoyne  by  hanging  on  his  flank,  and  of  thus  achiev 
ing  something  on  his  own  account.  Stark's  sagacity 
was  soon  justified  to  the  world. 

He  determined  to  march  with  part  of  his  force  to 
Bennington,  twenty-five  miles  south  of  Manchester, 
and  about  the  same  distance  from  Stillwater. 

Aug.  Q. 

In  this   position   he  would   easily  be   able  to 
carry  out  either  of  the  objects  he  had   in  view,  assist 
Schuyler,   cover  Bennington,  or  get  in  a  telling  blow 
somewhere,  when  least  expected. 

Burgoyne's  expectation  of  surprising  Bennington  was 
thus  completely  frustrated. 

Baum  learned  at  Cambridge  that  the  Americans  were 
at   Bennington,  to  the    number   of   eighteen    hundred. 
He   immediately  wrote   Burgoyne  to    this   effect.     On 
the  next  day,  he  marched  to    Sancoic,  a  mill- 
stream   falling  into   the  Walloomsac  River  in 
North  Hoosac,  and  after  again  writing  Burgoyne,  con 
firming  the   account  he  had  previously  sent  about  the 
force  in  his  front,  moved  on  toward  Bennington,  under 
the  impression  that   the  Americans  would  not  wait  to 
be  attacked. 


76  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

1  A  COSTLY  MISTAKE  to  give  the  command  to  an  officer  who 
could  not  speak  English ;  still  another,  to  intrust  an  expedition  in 
which  celerity  of  movement  was  all-important,  to  soldiers  loaded 
down  with  their  equipments,  as  the  Germans  were,  instead  of  to 
light  troops.     Colonel  Skene  went  with  Baum.     See  note  4,  p.  18. 

2  GENERAL  BENJAMIN  LINCOLN,  born  at  Hingham,  Mass.,  1733. 
Made  a  major-general,  February,  1777.     Joined  Schuyler,  July  29, 
at  Fort  Miller,  while  our  army  was  retreating;  sent  thence  to  Man 
chester.     One  of  those  captains  who,  while  seldom  successful,  are 
yet  considered  brave  and  skilful  commanders. 

3  GENERAL  JOHN   STARK,  born  at  Londonderry,  N.H.,  1728, 
had  seen  more  active  service  than  most  officers  of  his  time.     He 
had  fought  with  Abercromby  at  Ticonderoga,  against  Howe  at 
Bunker  Hill,  and  with  Washington  at  Trenton.     Notwithstanding 
this,  he  was  passed  over  in  making  promotions,  perhaps  because 
he  had  less  education  than  some  others,  who  lacked   his  natu 
ral  capacity  for  a  military  life.     Congress  first  censured  him  for 
insubordination,  and  then  voted  him  thanks,  and  promotion  to  a 
brigadiership  for  his  victory  over  Baum. 


VIII. 


BURGOYNE'S  movements  convinced  Schuyler  that  he 
would  shortly  be  attacked  by  the  whole  British  army,  as 
Burgoyne  had  intended  and  foreseen.  Schuyler  there 
fore  again  urged  Stark  to  come  to  his  assistance  with 
out  more  delay,  if  he  would  not  have  the  burden  of 
defeat  lie  at  his  own  door.  This  appeal  took  present 
effect. 

Nothing  happened  till  the  thirteenth.  Meantime, 
Stark  had  decided  to  go  to  Schuyler's  assistance.  His 
brigade  was  under  arms,  ready  to  march,  when  a  woman 
rode  up  in  haste  with  the  news  that  hostile  Indians  were 
running  up  and  down  the  next  town,  spreading  terror 
in  their  path.  She  had  come  herself,  because  the  road 
was  no  longer  safe  for  men  to  travel  it.  Stark  quickly 
ordered  out  two  hundred  men  to  stop  the  supposed 
marauders,  and  gain  further  intelligence. 

This  detachment  soon  sent  back  word  that  the  Indians 
were  only  clearing  the  way  for  a  larger  force,  which  was 
marching  toward  Bennington.  Swift  couriers  were 
instantly  despatched  to  Manchester,  to  hurry  forward 
the  troops  there  to  Stark's  aid. 

The  next  day  Stark  moved  out  toward  the  enemy,  in 
77 


78  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

order  to  look  for  his  detachment.     He  soon  fell  in  with 

it,  fighting  in  retreat,  with  the  enemy  following  close 

behind.      Stark   halted,  formed  his  line,  and 

gathered  in  his  scouts.     This  defiance  brought 

the  enemy  to  a  stand  also. 

Seeing  before  him  a  force  as  strong  as,  or  stronger 
than,  his  own,  Baum  was  now  looking  about  him  for 
ground  suitable  to  receive  an  attack  upon  ;  making  one 
himself  was  farthest  from  his  thoughts,  as  Burgoyne  had 
given  him  express  orders  not  to  risk  an  engagement, 
if  opposed  by  a  superior  force,  but  to  intrench,  and 
send  back  for  help  at  once.  This  was  precisely 
Baum's  present  situation.  He  therefore  lost  no  time 
in  sending  a  courier  to  headquarters. 

On  his  part.  Stark  did  not  wish  to  fight  till  Warner 
could  come  up,  or  delay  fighting  long  enough  for  the 
enemy  to  be  reenforced.  Baum's  evident  desire  to  avoid 
an  action  made  Stark  all  the  more  anxious  to  attack 
him,  and  he  resolved  to  do  so  not  later  than  the  next 
morning,  by  which  time  he  confidently  reckoned  on 
having  Warner's  regiment  with  him.  Though  small,  it 
had  fought  bravely  at  Hubbardton,  and  Stark  felt  that 
his  raw  militia  would  be  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
presence  of  such  veterans  among  them. 

Rain  frustrated  Stark's  plan  for  attacking  the  next 
day,  so  there  was  only  a  little  skirmishing,  in  which  the 
Americans  had  the  advantage.  Baum  im 
proved  the  delay  by  throwing  up  a  redoubt  of 
logs  and  earth  on  a  rather  high,  flat-topped  hill,  rising 
behind  the  little  Walloomsac  River.  In  this  he  placed 


BATTLE   OF   BENNINGTON. 
August  16,  1777. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  8 1 

his  two  field-pieces.  His  Canadians  and  loyalists  took 
up  a  position  across  and  lower  down  the  stream,  in  his 
front,  the  better  to  cover  the  road  by  which  his  reenforce- 
ments  must  come,  or  the  Americans  attempt  to  cut  off 
his  retreat.  These  dispositions  were  all  that  time,  the 
size  of  his  force,  and  the  nature  of  the  ground,  would 
permit. 

Rain  also  kept  back  the  reinforcements  that  each 
side  was  so  impatiently  expecting.  Stark  chafed  at 
the  delay,  Baum  grew  more  hopeful  of  holding  out 
until  help  could  reach  him.  Burgoyne  had,  indeed, 
despatched  Breyman  to  Baum's  assistance  at  eight 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  with  eight  hundred  and  fifty 
men  and  two  guns.  This  corps  was  toiling  on,  through 
mud  and  rain,  at  the  rate  of  only  a  mile  an  hour,  when 
an  hour,  more  or  less,  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  the 
expedition  itself.  The  fatigue  was  so  great,  that  when 
urged  on  to  the  relief  of  their  comrades,  the  weary 
Germans  would  grumble  out,  "  Oh,  let  us  give  them  time 
to  get  warm  !  " 

Warner's  regiment  could  not  leave  Manchester  till 
the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  but  by  marching  till 
midnight,  it  was  near  Bennington  on  the  morning  of 
the  sixteenth.  Breyman  put  so  little  energy  into  his 
movements  that  he  was  nowhere  near  Baum  at  that 
hour.  Stark,  however,  was  strengthened  by  the  arrival 
of  several  hundred  militia  from  Massachusetts,  who 
came  full  of  fight,  and  demanding  to  be  led  against  the 
enemy  without  delay.  Stark's  reply  was  characteristic  : 
"  Do  you  want  to  go  out  now,  while  it  is  dark  and 


82  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

rainy?"  he  asked.  "No,"  the  spokesman  rejoined. 
"Then,"  continued  Stark,  "if  the  Lord  should  give  us 
sunshine  once  more,  and  I  do  not  give  you  fighting 
enough,  I  will  never  ask  you  to  turn  out  again." 

The    day  broke    clear  and    pleasant.     Both   parties 
prepared  for  the  coming  battle.     Stark    had 

Aug.  16.     J 

the  most  men,  but  Baum  the  advantage  of 
fighting  behind  intrenchments,  and  of  having  artillery, 
while  Stark  had  none. 

At  midday,  Stark  formed  his  men  for  the  attack. 
All  were  yeomanry,  in  homespun,  rudely  equipped  with 
pouches  and  powder-horns,  and  armed  with  the  old 
brown  firelocks,  without  bayonets,  they  had  brought 
from  their  homes.  Some  had  served  in  the  preceding 
campaign,  but  not  one  in  fifty  had  ever  fired  a  shot  in 
anger;  while  many  were  mere  lads,  in  whom  enthusiasm 
for  their  leader  and  cause  supplied  the  want  of  expe 
rience.  The  work  now  required  of  them  was  such  as 
only  veterans  were  thought  capable  of  doing.  They 
were  to  storm  intrenchments,  defended  by  the  trained 
soldiers  of  Europe  ;  yet  not  a  man  flinched  when  Stark, 
with  a  soldier's  bluntness  and  fire,  pointed  his  sword 
toward  the  enemy's  redoubt  and  exclaimed,  "There, 
my  lads,  are  the  Hessians !  To-night  our  flag  floats 
over  yonder  hill,  or  Molly  Stark  is  a  widow !  " 

His  men  answered  with  loud  cheers,  grasped  their 
weapons,  and  demanded  to  be  led  against  the  enemy. 
Stark  then  gave  the  wished-for  order  to  march. 

Meanwhile,  dismay  reigned  in  Bennington.  Every 
man  who  could  load  a  musket  had  gone  out  to  fight 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  83 

with  Stark.  Their  household  goods  had  been  loaded 
upon  wagons,  ready  to  move  off  in  case  the  day 
went  against  them.  Their  wives  and  little  ones  stood 
hand  in  hand  along  the  village  street,  throughout  that 
long  summer  afternoon,  listening  to  the  peal  of  cannon 
and  musketry,  in  fear  for  those  who  had  gone  forth  to 
the  battle,  and  expecting  the  moment  that  was  to  make 
them  homeless  wanderers. 

The  story  of  the  battle  is  soon  told.  Stark  so 
divided  his  force  as  to  attack  the  enemy  in  front, 
flank,  and  rear,  at  once.  The  nature  of  the  ground 
was  such  as  to  hide  the  march  of  the  several  detach 
ments  from  Baum's  view,  but  he  had  no  other  idea  than 
to  keep  close  in  his  intrenchments. 

At  three  in  the  afternoon,  firing  began  in  Baum's 
rear.  This  was  the  signal  that  the  several  attacking 
columns  had  reached  their  allotted  stations.  All  the 
Americans  then  rushed  on  to  the  assault.  Baum  found 
himself  everywhere  assailed  with  unlooked-for  vigor. 
Never  had  he  expected  to  see  raw  rustics  charging  up 
to  the  muzzles  of  his  guns.  In  vain  he  plied  them 
with  grape  and  musketry.  The  encircling  line  grew 
tighter  and  tighter;  the  fire,  hotter  and  hotter.  For  an 
hour  he  defended  himself  valiantly,  hoping  for  night  or 
Breyman  to  come.  At  last  his  fire  slackened.  The 
Americans  clambered  over  the  breastworks,  and  poured 
into  the  redoubt.  For  a  few  moments  there  was  sharp 
hand-to-hand  fighting.  The  Germans  threw  down  their 
muskets,  drew  their  broadswords,  and  desperately  at 
tempted  to  cut  their  way  out.  Most  of  them  were 


84  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

beaten  back  or  taken.  A  few  only  escaped.  The 
Tories  and  Canadians  fared  no  better.  The  victory 
was  complete  and  decisive. 

Now,  at  the  eleventh  hour,  Breyman  was  marching 
on  the  field  to  the  sound  of  the  firing.  He  had  taken 
thirty-two  hours  to  get  over  twenty-four  miles.  Sup 
posing  the  day  won,  Stark's  men  were  scattered  about 
in  disorder.  Not  even  Stark  himself  seems  to  have 
thought  of  a  rescuing  force.  Some  were  guarding  the 
prisoners,  some  caring  for  the  wounded,  and  some 
gathering  up  the  booty.  All  had  yielded  to  the  de 
moralization  of  victory,  or  to  the  temptation  to  plun 
der.  Most  opportunely,  Warner's  men  now  came  fresh 
into  the  fight.  This  gallant  little  band  flung  itself 
boldly  in  the  path  of  the  advancing  foe,  thus  giving 
Stark  the  time  to  rally  those  nearest  him,  and  lead 
them  into  action  again. 

At  first  Breyman  gained  ground.  With  steady  tread 
his  veterans  fired  and  moved  on,  pushing  the  Ameri 
cans  back,  toward  the  scene  of  the  first  encounter ;  but 
Baum  was  no  longer  there  to  assist,  the  scattered  mili 
tiamen  were  fast  closing  in  round  Breyman's  flanks, 
and  Stark  had  now  brought  one  of  Baum's  cannon  to 
bear,  with  destructive  effect,  upon  the  head  of  the 
enemy's  advancing  column. 

In  no  long  time  the  deadly  fire,  poured  in  on  all 
sides,  began  to  tell  upon  Breyman's  solid  battalions. 
Our  marksmen  harassed  his  flanks.  His  front  was 
hard  pressed,  and  there  were  no  signs  of  Baum.  En 
raged  by  the  thought  of  having  victory  torn  from  their 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  85 

grasp,  the  Americans  gave  ground  foot  by  foot,  and 
inch  by  inch.  At  last  the  combatants  were  firing  in 
each  other's  faces  ;  so  close  was  the  encounter,  so  deadly 
the  strife,  that  Breyman's  men  were  falling  round  him 
by  scores,  under  the  close  and  accurate  aim  of  their 
assailants.  Darkness  was  closing  in.  His  artillery 
horses  were  shot  down  in  their  traces,  his  flanks  driven 
in,  his  advance  stopped. 

As  soon  as  they  perceived  their  advantage,  the 
Americans  redoubled  their  efforts.  The  firing  grew 
tremendous.  It  was  now  Breyman  who  was  forced 
back.  Soon  all  order  was  lost.  Favored  by  the 
darkness,  he  began  a  disorderly  retreat.  In  an  instant 
his  guns  were  taken.  Exhausted  by  fighting  two  bat 
tles  in  one  afternoon,  no  longer  able  in  the  darkness  to 
tell  friend  from  foe,  the  Americans  soon  gave  over  the 
pursuit.  But,  for  the  second  time,  they  stood  victors  on 
the  hard-fought  field.  All  felt  it  to  be  a  narrow  escape 
from  defeat,  for  if  Breyman  had  loitered  by  the  way, 
he  had  fought  like  a  lion  in  the  toils  of  the  hunter. 

Thus  Washington's  sagacity  had  been  vindicated, 
Stark's  insubordination  nobly  atoned  for,  Schuyler's 
worst  fears  set  at  rest,  by  the  fortunes  of  a  single 
day. 

Four  cannon,  one  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  seven 
hundred  prisoners,  were  the  trophies  of  this  victory. 
The  enemy  left  two  hundred  of  his  dead  on  the  field. 
Baum's  corps  was  virtually  destroyed,  Breyman's  badly 
cut  up,  Burgoyne's  well-laid  plans  scattered  to  the 
winds. 


86  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

1  BATTLE  OF  BENNIITGTON.  Both  actions  actually  occurred  in 
the  town  of  Hoosic,  N.Y.  (we  cannot  be  held  responsible  fo:  the 
absurd  variations  in  spelling  this  name),  though  the  troops  were 
formed  for  the  attack  within  the  limits  of  Bennington,  and  Stark's 
despatch  announcing  his  victory  is  dated  at  this  place.  A  battle 
monument,  designed  to  be  three  hundred  and  one  feet  high,  is  now 
being  built  on  a  commanding  site  at  Bennington  Centre,  which  is 
the  old  village.  No  more  beautiful  spot  than  this  hill-environed 
valley,  overlooked  by  Mount  Anthony,  could  possibly  commemo 
rate  to  future  centuries  one  of  the  decisive  conflicts  of  the  War 
for  Independence. 


IX. 

AFTER    BENNINGTON. 

STARK  had,  indeed,  dealt  Burgoyne  a  stunning  blow. 
In  a  moment  all  his  combinations  were  overthrown. 
Efforts  were  made  to  keep  the  disaster  a  secret  from 
the  army,  but  the  movements  made  in  consequence  of 
it  told  the  story  but  too  plainly. 

In  the  first  place,  the  whole  army  was  hurried  up  to 
Batten-Kill  in  order  to  cover  Breyman's  and  Frazer's 
retreat,1  for  Frazer  had  been  ordered  to  re- 
cross  the  Hudson  at  once.     Frazer's  position 
was  most  critical;    his  bridge  had  been  broken  by  a 
freshet,  and  for  one  whole  day  he  was  cut  off  from  the 
main  army. 

As  soon  as  Breyman's  worn-out  men  had  straggled 
into  camp,  Burgoyne's  fell  back  to  Duer's  again.  Mean 
time,  Frazer  had  repaired  his  bridge  and  hastily  re- 
crossed  the  Hudson.  Riedesel's  corps  was  sent  back 
to  Fort  Edward.  The  whole  army  had  thus 

Aug.  18. 

made  a  retrograde  movement  in  consequence 
of  the  defeat  at  Bennington,  and  now  lay  in  echelon  2 
from  Fort  Edward  to  Batten-Kill,  in  the  camps  it  had 
occupied  before  the  advance  was  begun ;  it  had  re 
treated  upon  its  communications ;  it  was  put  on  the 
defensive. 

87 


88  B URGO  YNE  >S  INVASION 

Burgoyne  had  now  no  choice  left  but  to  hold  fast  his 
communication  with  the  lakes,  and  these  could  not  be 
called  safe  while  a  victorious  enemy  was  threatening 
his  flank.  From  this  time  forward,  he  grew  wary  and 
circumspect.  His  councils  began  to  be  divided.  The 
prestige  of  the  army  was  lowered,  confidence  in  its 
leaders  visibly  shaken.  Even  the  soldiers  began  to 
grumble,  criticise,  and  reflect.  Burgoyne's  vain  boast 
that  this  army  would  not  retreat,  no  longer  met  the 
conditions  in  which  it  stood.  It  had  retreated. 

As  if  to  prove  the  truth  of  the  adage  that  misfortunes 
never  come  singly,  most  of  Burgoyne's  Indians  now 
deserted  him.  So  far  from  intimidating,  their  atrocities 
had  served  to  arouse  the  Americans  as  nothing  else 
could.  As  soldiers,  they  had  usually  run  away  at  the 
first  fire.  As  scouts,  their  minds  were  wholly  fixed  upon 
plundering.  Burgoyne  had  sharply  rebuked  them  for 
it.  Ever  sullen  and  intractable  under  restraint,  their 
answer  was  at  least  explicit,  "  No  plunder,  no  Indians  ;  " 
and  they  were  as  good  as  their  word. 

We  find,  then,  that  the  battle  of  Bennington  had 
cost  Burgoyne  not  far  from  two  thousand  men,  whether 
soldiers  or  Indians.  More  than  this,  it  had  thrown  him 
back  upon  his  second  alternative,  which,  we  remember, 
was  to  halt  until  supplies  could  be  brought  from  Can 
ada.  This  was  easily  equivalent  to  a  month's  delay. 
Thirty  days  of  inaction  were  thus  forced  upon  Burgoyne 
at  a  time  when  every  one  of  them  was  worth  five  hun 
dred  men  to  the  Americans.  Such  were  some  of  the 
substantial  results  of  the  victory  at  Bennington. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  89 

To  the  Americans,  the  moral  and  material  gains  were 
no  less  striking  or  important.  At  once  confidence  was 
restored.  Men  no  longer  hesitated  to  turn  out,  qr  feared 
for  the  result.  A  most  hopeful  sign  was  the  alacrity 
with  which  the  well-to-do  farmers  went  into  the  ranks. 
There  was  general  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  Bur- 
goyne  had  seriously  compromised  himself  by  advancing, 
as  far  as  he  had ;  in  short,  the  re-action  was  quite  as 
decisive  as  that  which  had  followed  the  victory  at 
Trenton. 

1  BREYMAN'S  RETREAT.     The  express  from  Baum  arrived  at 
headquarters  at  5  A.M.  of  the  fifteenth.      Orders  were   immedi 
ately  given  Breyman  to  march.     News  of  Baum's  defeat  reached 
Burgoyne  during  the  night  of  the  sixteenth.     The  2Oth  regiment, 
British,  was   immediately   marched  to    Breyman's  support.     Bur- 
goyne's  anxiety  was  so  great,  that  he  followed  it  until  Breyman's 
corps  was  met  on  the  road. 

2  ECHELON,  the  French  word  for  step-ladder,  by  adoption  a 
universal  military  term,  well  describes  the  posting  of  troops,  be 
longing  to  one  army,  at  stated  intervals  apart,  so  as  to  be  moved 
forward  or  backward  step  by  step,  always  keeping  the  same  rela 
tive  distances  between  the  separate  bodies.     In  marking  out  such 
positions  on  the  map,  the  columns  would  look  like  the  rounds  of 
a  ladder,  hence  the  term. 


X. 


ST.  LEGER'S  EXPEDITION. 

BURGOYNE'S  hopes  now  chiefly  turned  upon  the  prom 
ised  cooperation  of  St.  Leger  from  Oswego,  and  of 
Sir  William  Howe  from  New  York. 

Convinced  that  the  enemy  would  shortly  invade  the 

Refer  to    Mohawk  Valley,   Schuyler  had   sent  Colonel 

"Plan  of  Gansevoort1  to  put  Fort  Stanwix,2  the  key  to 

Campaign-"this  valley,  in  a  state  of  defence,  before  it 

should  be  attacked. 


Oswego 


ST.  LEGER'S  ROUTE  TO  FORT  STANWIX. 

St.  Leger's  force  was  the  counterpart  of  Burgoyne's, 
in  that  it  consisted  of  regular  troops,  loyalists,  and 
Indians.  Many  of  the  loyalists,  and  most  of  the  In 
dians,  had  lived  in  this  valley,  so  that  St.  Leger  had  no 

90 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  9 1 

want  of  guides,  who  knew  every  foot  of  ground,  or  of 
spies  acquainted  with  the  sentiments  of  every  settler. 

A  scanty  supply  of  provisions  had  just  been  brought 
into  the  fort  when  St.  Leger's  scouts  opened  fire  upon 
it.     The  garrison  shut  the  gates  and  returned 
the    fire.     Instead    of    finding    Fort    Stamvix 
defenceless,    St.    Leger   was    compelled    to    lay    siege 
to  it. 

The  news  of  St.  Leger's  appearance  in  the  valley 
roused  the  settlers  in  arms.  Near  a  thousand  men,  all 
brave,  but  without  discipline,  promptly  marched,  under 
General  Herkimer,3  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stamvix. 
Gansevoort  was  notified,  and  was  to  aid  the  movement 
by  making  a  sortie  from  the  fort,  at  the  proper  moment. 

St.  Leger's  spies  soon  discovered  Herkimer's  men 
coming.  All  the  rangers,  and  most  of  the  Indians,  went 
out  to  waylay  them  in  the  thick  forests.  Not  far  from 
Oriskany,  Brant,4  the  Mohawk  chief,  and  Johnson,5  the 
loyalist  leader,  hid  their  men  in  a  ravine,  through  which 
the  Americans  would  have  to  pass,  in  a  thin  line,  over 
a  causeway  of  logs. 

Meantime,  the  Americans  were  heedlessly  pressing 
on,  without  order,  to  the  rescue  of  their  comrades.     In 
their   impatience,  even    ordinary  precautions 
were  neglected.     When    the  van  entered  the 
ravine,  a  terrible  fire  mowed  down  the  front  ranks  by 
scores ;  those  in  the  rear  fled  in  a  panic  from  the  field. 
It  was  downright  butchery. 

After  the  firing  had  continued  some  time,  those 
Americans  whom  panic  had  not  seized,  threw  them- 


92  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

selves  into  a  posture  of  defence,  and  resolved  to  sell 
their  lives  dearly.  Herkimer,  their  leader,  had  been 
struck  down  by  a  bullet,  among  the  first ;  but,  notwith 
standing  his  wound  was  a  disabling  one,  he  continued 
to  direct  his  men,  and  encourage  them  by  his  firm 
demeanor  to  fight  on.  In  the  face  of  overwhelming 
odds  they  gallantly  stood  their  ground,  until  the  enemy 
was  alarmed  by  hearing  firing  in  its  rear,  and  drew  off, 
leaving  Herkimer's  little  band  of  heroes  to  retire 
unmolested  from  the  field. 

The  firing  had  been  heard  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the 
cause  easily  guessed.  While  the  battle  was  raging  at 
Oriskany,  the  garrison  of  the  fort  sallied  out  upon  the 
besiegers'  camps.  They  met  with  little  opposition,  as 
most  of  the  defenders  had  gone  out  to  fight  Herkimer. 
The  firing,  however,  had  called  off  the  savages  from 
Herkimer,  to  the  defence  of  their  own  camps.  The 
sortie  was  gallantly  made,  and  entirely  successful ;  but 
the  attack  on  Herkimer  rendered  it  of  so  little  avail, 
that  the  battle  of  Oriskany  left  Gansevoort  hardly  better 
off  than  before. 

Two  hundred  of  Herkimer's  men  were  killed.  He, 
too,  soon  died  of  his  wounds. 

Though  this  attempt  to  relieve  Fort  Stanwix  had  so 
signally  failed,  Schuyler  was  much  too  sensible  of  the 
importance  of  holding  it,  not  to  make  another  effort  to 
raise  the  siege.  He  could  ill  afford  to  spare  the  troops 
necessary  for  the  undertaking,  since  Burgoyne  was  now 
manoeuvring  in  his  front ;  but  the  gravity  of  the  situa 
tion  could  not  be  overlooked.  He  therefore  sent 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  93 

Arnold,  with  Learned's  brigade,  to  retrieve  Herkimers 
disaster  in  the  valley. 

Gansevoort  was  still  holding  out  against  St.  Leger  as 
stubbornly  as  ever.     His  situation  was,  however,  grow 
ing  desperate,  when,  one  day,  without  appar 
ent  cause,  the  besiegers  suddenly  decamped 
in   headlong  haste,  leaving  their  tents  standing,  their 
baggage  in  their  tents,  and  their  artillery  in  the  trenches. 

This  inglorious  and  unlooked-for  flight  was  brought 
about  by  emissaries  from  Arnold,  who  spread  the  report 
among  St.  Leger's  Indians,  that  the  Americans  were 
coming  with  forces  as  numerous  as  leaves  on  the  trees. 
Arnold,  whom  no  one  will  accuse  of  want  of  courage, 
was  really  undecided  about  advancing  farther  with 
his  small  force.  His  stratagem,  however,  took  effect. 
Grown  weary  of  the  siege,  the  Indians  now  made  no 
scruple  of  deserting  their  allies  on  the  spot.  In  vain 
St.  Leger  stormed  and  entreated  by  turns;  stay  they 
would  not.  He  therefore  had  no  choice  but  to  follow 
them,  in  mortification  and  disgust,  back  to  Osvvego. 
In  the  belief  that  Arnold  was  close  upon  them,  every 
thing  was  left  behind  that  could  impede  the  march. 
The  siege  was  abandoned  in  disgrace,  and  Fort  Stan- 
wix  saved  by  a  simple  stratagem. 

Six  days  later,  Burgoyne  was  informed  of  St.  Leger's 
retreat.     He  had  now  no   other  resource  than  in  the 
promised    advance    up    the    Hudson,    and    in 
the    strength   of   his   artillery.     By   acting  in 
detachments,  his  immediate  force  had  been  so  seriously 
weakened  that  a  forward  movement  on   his  part,  with- 


94  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

out  full  assurance  of  active  support  from  New  York, 
savored  far  more  of  recklessness  than  sound  military 
judgment. 

1  COLONEL   PETER  GANSEVOORT,  born  at  Albany,  1749,  had 
fought  with  Montgomery  at  Quebec. 

2  FORT  STAN w ix,  also  called  Schuyler,  built  by  General  Stan- 
wix  of  Abercromby's  army  in  1758. 

3  GENERAL   NICHOLAS   HERKIMER,  a  leading   settler  of    the 
Mohawk  Valley. 

4  JOSEPH   BRANT,  or   Thayandanega,  sometime   pupil   of  Dr. 
Wheelock's  school  (since  Dartmouth  College),  was  by  all  odds 
the  most  active,  intelligent,  and  implacable  enemy  to  the  Americans 
that  the  war  produced  among  his  people.     With  Johnson,  he  held 
most  of  the  Six  Nations  at  enmity  with  us  during  the  Revolution. 
(See  Note  5.) 

5  SIR  JOHN  JOHNSON  was  the  son  of  Sir  William,  who  gained 
wealth  and  a  title  by  his  victory  over  Dieskau  at  Lake  George, 
1755.     He  was  also  the  king's  superintendent  over  the  Six  Nations, 
and  had  his  residence  at  Caughnawaga,  since  called  Johnstown  in 
his  honor.     Sir  John  succeeded  to  his  father's  title  and  estates. 
He  took  sides  with  the  Royalists,  raised  a  body  of  Tory  followers, 
and  with  them  fled  to  Canada.     Out  of  these  refugees,  he  raised  a 
corps  of  rangers  called  Royal  Greens,  with  whom  he  joined  St. 
Leger,  in  the  hope  of  crushing  out  his  enemies  in  the  valley. 


XI. 

OUR    ARMY   ADVANCES. 

WE   remember  that  the   united  voice  of   the    army 
and  people  had  demanded  the  recall  of  those  generals 
whose  want  of  foresight  or  energy,  or  both,    Refer  to 
had    caused    the    disasters    with    which    the  chapter  v., 
campaign  had  opened.     Congress  chose  Gen-   "Facin£ 

Disaster." 

eral  Gates  l  to  command  in  room  of  Schuyler, 
who,   with   St.   Clair,  was  ordered  to   report  at   head 
quarters.      With  the   methods  of   travel   then   in   use, 
Gates  was  nearly  two  weeks  in  getting  from 
Philadelphia  to  Albany.     This  fact  will  suffi 
ciently    illustrate    the   difficulties    which    attended    the 
movement  of  reinforcements  from  one  army  to  another, 
before  the  day  of  railways  and  steamboats. 

All  that  lay  in  the  power  of  man  to  do,  Washington 
had  done  for  the  Northern  army.  Though  fronting  an 
enemy  greatly  superior  to  himself,  he  had  still  found 
time  to  so  direct  operations  in  the  North,  that  his  hand 
may  almost  be  said  to  have  guided  the  course  of  events 
in  that  quarter.  He  had  soothed  Schuyler's  wounded 
self-love,  commended  his  efforts,  strengthened  his  hands 
in  the  field,  and  nobly  stood  between  him  and  his 
detractors  in  Congress.  When  Congress  had  sus 
pended  all  the  generals  of  the  Northern  army  from 

95 


96  BURGOYNE^S  INVASION 

command,  it  was  Washington  who  interposed  to  save 
them  and  the  army  from  the  consequences  of  such 
blindness  and  folly.  To  Schuyler  he  had  said,  "  Bur- 
goyne  is  doing  just  what  we  could  wish ;  let  him  but 
continue  to  scatter  his  army  about,  and  his  ruin  is  only 
a  question  of  time."  Schuyler  urgently  called  for  more 
troops.  Brigade  after  brigade  had  gone  from  Wash 
ington's  own  army  to  swell  Schuyler's  ranks.  "  I  care 
not  where  the  victory  is  won,  so  we  do  but  gain  it," 
Washington  said.  Schuyler  again  pleaded  his  want 
of  general  officers.  Washington  sent  him  Arnold,  the 
dare-devil  of  the  army,  and  Lincoln,  a  man  of  sound 
head,  steady  hand,  and  even  temper,  as  a  counterpoise 
to  Arnold's  over-confident  and  impetuous  nature. 
Thanks  to  these  efforts,  we  had  created  a  new  army  on 
the  ruins  of  the  old. 

Schuyler's  deportment  toward  the  Massachusetts 
authorities  at  this  time  was  neither  conciliatory  nor 
conducive  to  the  interests  of  the  service.  He  knew 
their  feelings  of  distrust  toward  him,  and  in  making 
application  to  them  for  reinforcements  showed  his 
resentment  in  a  way  that  called  forth  an  acrimonious 
response.  He  upbraided  them  for  their  shortcomings ; 
they  entreated  him  to  look  nearer  home.  Thus  we 
find  General  Schuyler  and  the  Massachusetts  Council 
engaged  in  an  exchange  of  sarcasms  at  a  time  when  the 
exigency  called  for  something  besides  a  war  of  words 
between  the  commander  of  an  army  and  the  executive 
head  of  a  powerful  State. 

Gates  -took  command  just  after  the  Battle  of  Ben- 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  $? 

nington  was  won.  He  found  the  army  in  much  dis 
order,  but  pleased  with  the  change  of  commanders. 
Gates  was  a  thorough  disciplinarian  and  organ-  ^ 
izer.  In  his  hands,  the  efficiency  of  the  army 
daily  increased.  Old  jealousies  were  silenced,  and 
confidence  restored.  Letters  from  the  soldiers  show 
the  change  in  temper  and  spirit  to  have  been  instant 
and  marked.  One  of  them  says,  "  When  we  came  to 
Albany,  things  looked  very  dark  for  our  side,  for  there 
were  officers  in  town  who  had  left  camp,  and  would 
not  go  back  as  long  as  Schuyler  had  the  command. 
Both  officers  and  soldiers  were  determined  not  to  fight 
under  him,  and  would  tell  him  so  to  his  head.  But 
General  Gates  came  to  town,  and  then  the  tune  was 
turned,  and  every  face  showed  a  merry  heart." 

The  hostile  armies  now  lay,  quietly  gathering  up 
their  strength  for  the  decisive  struggle,  within  sound 
of  each  other's  evening  guns. 

Gates  was  the  first  to  act.  Having  been  joined  by 
Morgan's  rifle  corps,2  and  by  large  numbers  of  militia, 
the  whole  army  now  moved  up  to  Stillwater, 
within  a  dozen  miles  of  the  enemy,  who  still 
remained  intrenched  behind  .  the  Batten  Kill.  This 
movement  put  new  life  into  our  soldiers,  and  was  not 
without  its  effect  upon  the  enemy,  whose  spirit  was 
aroused  at  finding  the  antagonist  it  had  been  pursu 
ing  suddenly  become  the  aggressor.  The  Americans 
had  a  well-served  though  not  numerous  artillery,  but 
the  presence  of  Morgan's  corps  more  than  made  good 
any  deficiency  in  this  respect.  The  great  drawback 


98  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

to  the  efficiency  of  the  army  was  the  want  of  cordial 
ity  between  Gates  and  Arnold.  The  breach  between 
them  was  daily  widening  that  was  presently  to  become 
an  impassable  gulf. 

Gates  purposed  taking  up  a  strong  position,  and 
awaiting  Burgoyne's  attack  behind  his  intrenchments. 
Either  Burgoyne  must  risk  an  assault,  under  conditions 
most  favorable  to  the  Americans,  or  retire  discomfited 
under  conditions  highly  unfavorable  to  a  successful 
retreat. 

The  country  between  Saratoga  and  Stillwater,  cov 
ered  with  woods  and  intersected  by  ravines,  was  wholly 
unsuited  to  the  free  movement  of  troops.  All  the  shore 
of  the  Hudson  is  high  ground,  rising  to  a  nearly  uniform 
level  next  the  river,  but  gradually  ascending,  as  the 
river  is  left,  to  the  summit  of  the  streams  falling  into  it. 
Long  slopes  or  terraces  are  thus  formed,  furrowed  here 
and  there  by  the  ravines,  which  serve  to  drain  off  the 
water  from  above  into  the  river  below.  Puny  rivulets 
where  they  begin,  these  watercourses  cut  deeper  as 
they  run  on,  until,  at  the  river,  they  become  impassable 
gulches.  The  old  military  road  skirts  the  foot  of  the 
heights,  which  sometimes  abut  closely  upon  the  river, 
and  sometimes  draw  back  far  enough  to  leave  a  strip  of 
meadow  between  it  and  them. 

Kosciusko,3  Gates's  engineer,  chose  the  ground  on 
which  to  receive  Burgoyne's  attack,  at  one 
of  these  places  where  the  heights  crowd  upon 
the  river,  thus  forming  a  narrow  defile,  which  a  hand 
ful  of  men  could  easily  defend  against  an  army.  At 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  99 

this  place  the  house  of  a  settler  named  Bemis  stood 
by  the  roadside.     Our  army  filed  off  the  road  here,  to 
the   left,   scaled    the    heights,   and  encamped    Bemis' 
along  a  ridge  of  land,  running  west  as  far  as   Heights, 
some  high,  rough,  and   woody  ground,  which    formed 
the  summit. 

Except  two  or  three  clearings,  all  the  ground  in 
Gates's  front  was  thickly  wooded.  One  settler,  called 
Freeman,  had  cleared  and  planted  quite  a  Freeman's 
large  field  in  front  of  the  American  centre  Farm- 
and  left,  though  at  some  distance  beyond,  and  hid 
from  view  by  intervening  woods.  This  field  of  Free 
man's  was  one  of  the  few  spots  of  ground  lying 
between  the  two  armies,  on  which  troops  could  be  ma 
noeuvred  or  artillery  used  with  advantage.  The  farm 
house  stood  at  the  upper  edge  of  it,  at  a  distance  of  a 
mile  back  from  the  river.  Our  pickets  immediately 
took  post  there,  as  no  one  could  enter  the  clearing 
without  being  seen  from  the  house.  Accident  has  thus 
made  this  spot  of  ground,  Freeman's  Farm,4 
famous.  The  Americans  were  at  work  like 
beavers,  strengthening  their  line  with  redoubts,  felled 
trees,  and  batteries,  when  the  enemy  was  discovered 
marching  against  them. 


1  GENERAL  GATES  had  resigned  his  command  at  Ticonderoga, 
rather  than   serve  under  Schuyler.     There  was  no  good  feeling 
between  them. 

2  MORGAN'S  RIFLEMEN  was  the  most  celebrated  corps  of  the 
Continental  Army.     The  men  were  unerring  marksmen,  and  on 
that   account   greatly   feared   by   the    British.      All  were   expert 


IOO  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

woodsmen,  devoted  to  their  leader,  who  held  them  under  strict 
discipline. 

3  THADDEUS    KOSCIUSKO   came   to   this   country  to  offer   his 
services  to  Congress.     "  What  can  you  do?  "asked  Washington. 
"  Try  me,"  was  the  laconic  reply.     In  course  of  time,  he  was  sent 
to  Schuyler  as  engineer  of  his  army. 

4  FREEMAN'S  HOUSE  was  made  use  of  by  Burgoyne,  during  the 
battle  of  September  9,  as  his  headquarters.     After  this  battle  it 
was  included  within  the  British  lines. 


XII. 

BATTLE   OF    BEMIS'    HEIGHTS.1 

(September  19,  1777.) 

BURGOYNE,  at  Batten-Kill,  had  only  a  choice  of  evils 
to  make.  Either  he  could  save  his  army  by  retreating 
to  Fort  Edward,  and  thus  give  up  all  hope  of  seeing 
the  ends  of  the  campaign  fulfilled,  or  he  might  still 
make  a  bold  push  for  Albany,  and  so  put  everything  at 
the  hazard  of  battle. 

But  to  fall  back  when  he  had  promised  to  go  for 
ward,  when  the  doing  so  meant  ruin  to  his  reputation, 
and  possibly  to  the  cause  of  his  king,  was  not  only  a 
bitter  alternative,  but  a  responsibility  heavier  than  he 
was  prepared  to  take. 

On  the  other  hand,  should  he  now  cross  the  Hudson, 
with  intent  to  bring  on  a  decisive  battle, —  and  his 
crossing  meant  just  this,  —  Burgoyne  knew  that  he 
must  drop  his  communications  with  Canada,  because 
he  could  not  afford  the  guards  necessary  to  keep  them 
open.  Already  he  had  been  weakened  by  the  loss  of 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  men,  without  counting  the 
Indians  who  had  so  basely  deserted  him  ;  St.  Leger  had 
failed  him  in  his  utmost  need.  On  his  left,  the  Americans 
were  watching  their  chance  to  strike  a  blow  in  his  rear. 
Burgoyne  therefore  felt  that,  from  the  moment  he  should 


102  %&KG&YJN3£'S  INVASION 

put  the  Hudson  between  his  army  and  its  only  way  of 
retreat,  all  must  be  staked  on  the  doubtful  issue  of 
battle.  He  decided  to  make  the  gambler's  last  throw. 

Burgoyne  himself  has  said  that  his  orders  left  him 
no  choice  but  to  go  on.  It  is  evident  he  construed 
them  to  his  own  wishes.  He  still  believed  his  six  thou 
sand  excellent  soldiers,  with  their  superb  artillery,  would 
prove  themselves  more  than  a  match  for  twice  their 
own  number  of  undisciplined  yeomanry.  He  would  not 
admit  even  the  possibility  of  defeat.  He  felt  confident 
of  beating  Gates  with  ease. 

In  choosing  to  fight,  rather  than  retreat,  Burgoyne, 
perhaps,  acted  from  the  impulse  of  a  brave  nature, 
rather  than  the  promptings  of  his  sober  judgment,  as 
he  was  bound  to  do ;  since  he  had  known  for  some 
time  that  Sir  William  Howe  had  gone  to  Pennsylvania, 
without  making  any  definite  preparations  to  come  to 
his  assistance.  Notwithstanding  this  assurance,  that  a 
most  important  part  of  the  plan  of  campaign  had  failed, 
through  no  fault  of  his,  Burgoyne  seems  to  have  put  his 
trust  in  the  chapter  of  accidents,  rather  than  remain 
inactive  until  it  was  certain  he  would  be  supported 
from  New  York.  Not  one  solitary  circumstance,  except 
faith  in  the  valor  of  his  troops,  favored  a  further  ad 
vance  at  this  time.  But  his  gallant  little  army  was 
ready  to  follow  him,  the  enemy  was  within  striking 
distance,  and  so  Burgoyne  marched  on,  bemoaning  his 
ill  luck,  but  with  the  pluck  characteristic  of  the  man. 

On  the  thirteenth  the  British  army  crossed  the  Hudson, 
by  a  bridge  of  boats,  to  Saratoga.  Burgoyne  took  with 


BURGOYNE'S  ORDER  OF  BATTLE. 

igth  September. 

[Pen  and  ink  sketch  by  a  British  officer.} 
A,  The  Line  Formed.     B,  The  Columns  in  March. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  10$ 

him  provisions  for  five  weeks,  which  were  loaded  in 
bateaux  and  floated  down  the  river  as  he  advanced. 
As  yet  he  knew  comparatively  nothing  of  what  prepara 
tions  the  Americans  were  making  to  receive  him,  and 
but  little  about  the  country  he  was  in.  But  he  did 
know  that  the  patriot  army  had  at  last  faced  about,  and 
that  was  enough  to  rouse  the  spirit  of  his  soldiers  to 
the  highest  pitch. 

On  the  fifteenth  the  British  Army  began  its  march 
southward  in  three  divisions.     The  only  road  had  to  be 
given  up  to  the  baggage  and  artillery.    To  pro 
tect  it,  the   left,  or  German  division,  marched 
along  the  meadows,   next    the    river.     The  centre,   or 
British  division,  kept  the  heights  above  ;  while  Frazer's 
corps  moved  at  some  distance,  on  the  right  of  it,  with 
Breyman's  following  just  behind  in  support.    Two  divis 
ions  were  therefore  marching  on  the  heights,  and  one 
underneath  them. 

What  with  the  delays  caused  by  broken  bridges  on 
the  road,  bridging  the  ravines  on  the  heights,  or  for 
cing  a  way  through  thick  woods,  which  it  was 
necessary  always  to  reconnoitre  with  care, — 
the  royal  army  could  get  over  but  six  miles  in  two  days. 
Being  then  near  the  enemy,  a  halt  was  made  to  prepare 
for  battle. 

On  this  day,  Burgoyne  continued  his  march  in  the 
same  order  as  before,  with  skirmishers  thrown  out  well 
in    advance    of   each    column.      The    centre, 
which  he  directed  in  person,  would,  in  follow 
ing  the  direction  it  was  taking,  very  shortly  find  itself 
at  Freeman's  Farm. 


106  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

On  his  part,  Gates  had  sent  out  Morgan's  rifle  corps 
to  feel  the  enemy,  in  order  to  learn  what  they  were 
doing  or  intending  to  do.  Morgan  had  advanced  as  far 
as  our  outpost  at  Freeman's  house,  when  the  British 
skirmishers  came  out  of  the  woods  into  the  clearing. 
They  were  instantly  fired  upon  and  returned  the  fire. 
It  was  therefore  here  that  the  action  of  September  19 
began. 

Morgan's  hot  fire  soon  drove  the  enemy  back  to 
cover  again,  with  loss.  Our  riflemen  dashed  into  the 
woods  after  them,  got  into  disorder,  and,  before  they 
were  aware,  fell  upon  the  supporting  battalions,  by 
whom  they  were  defeated  and  scattered,  in  their  turn. 
This  division  then  advanced  into  the  clearing,  from 
which  by  this  time  the  Americans  had  decamped. 
Burgoyne  thus  gained  the  ground  about  Freeman's 
house,  whence  his  pickets  were  first  attacked  and 
driven  in. 

At  this  place,  Burgoyne  formed  his  line,  facing 
towards  the  woods  into  which  Morgan's  men  had 
retreated.  He  rightly  judged  the  enemy  to  be  there, 
though  threats  failed  to  extort  any  information  from 
the  prisoners  he  had  taken.  When  Frazer  told  one  of 
Morgan's  captains  he  would  hang  him  up  to  the  nearest 
tree,  unless  he  would  point  out  the  place  where  his 
comrades  were  posted,  the  man  undauntedly  replied, 
"  You  may,  if  you  please." 

Knowing  that  Gates  could  not  be  attacked  on  his 
right,  Burgoyne  meant  to  make  the  trial  on  the  left. 
If  that  wing  could  be  turned,  Gates  would  have  to 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  IO/ 

retreat  from  his  works,  or  be  driven  into  the  river. 
This  was  all  the  simple  plan  of  attack,  but  as  yet, 
Burgoyne  did  not  know  where  the  American  left  was 
posted.  The  woods  effectually  masked  the  American 
position,  and  all  was  now  quiet. 

Burgoyne  now  prepared  to  go  forward  again.  From 
what  had  just  taken  place,  he  supposed  the  troops 
now  with  -him  would  strike  the  American  line  first.  It 
was  therefore  arranged  that  when  he  became  fully 
engaged,  Frazer  was  to  charge  the  American  flank,  and 
crush  it,  making  the  centre  division  his  pivot.  With 
his  right,  Burgoyne  meant  to  turn  the  American  left. 

Burgoyne  had  with  him  four  battalions  of  the  line, 
and  four  guns.  He  would  have  brought  more  guns  if 
more  could  have  been  used  with  effect  in  the  woods, 
as  he  greatly  relied  upon  this  arm.  Frazer  had  twenty 
companies  of  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  the  24th 
British  regiment,  Breyman's  Germans,  and  all  the 
Canadians,  loyalists,  and  Indians  now  left  with  the 
army ;  he  also  had  four  pieces  of  artillery.  About 
four  thousand  men  were  thus  in  readiness  to  engage. 
The  left  wing  was  now  in  motion  along  the  river  road, 
under  the  heights,  but  was  too  far  off  to  be  of  much 
use  in  reenforcing  the  right.  It  was,  however,  of 
service  in  preventing  Gates  from  sending  troops  away 
from  his  right,  to  fight  Burgoyne  on  the  left. 

Though  Burgoyne  did  not  know  the  American  posi 
tion,  which  thick  woods  everywhere  masked  from  his 
view,  he  had  disclosed  his  own  very  clearly  to  Morgan, 
who  sent  an  urgent  request  for  reinforcements. 


108  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

Gates  wished  to  receive  the  attack  in  his  works,  not 
make  one  himself.  He  therefore  ordered  only  one  or 
two  battalions  from  his  left  to  go  to  Morgan's  assist 
ance,  and  withstood  the  entreaties  of  his  officers  to 
be  allowed  to  meet  the  enemy  in  the  open  field. 

At  between  two  and  three  o'clock,  as  Burgoyne  had 
just  finished  his  dispositions  for  attacking,  a  heavy  fire 
broke  from  the  woods  in  Frazer's  front.  This  came 
from  Morgan  and  the  troops  sent  to  his  support. 
Making  no  impression  on  Frazer,  whose  cannon  held 
them  in  check,  the  assailants  suddenly  shifted  their 
attack  over  to  the  left,  where  Burgoyne  commanded  in 
person.  And  thus  it  was  that,  instead  of  attacking, 
Burgoyne  found  himself  assaulted ;  instead  of  turning 
Gates's  left,  his  own  was  being  assailed,  with  the  pur 
pose  of  separating  the  two  wings  of  his  army. 

On  finding  a  battle  actually  in  progress,  Gates 
reenforced  the  troops  who  were  fighting  against  odds, 
with  driblets  of  a  regiment  at  a  time.  Instead  of  going 
on  the  field  himself,  or  letting  Arnold  go,2  he  pretended 
to  believe  that  his  own  right  was  the  real  object  of 
attack,  and  kept  in  his  quarters.  This  day's  battle  was 
therefore  fought  wholly  by  his  subordinates,  against 
the  British  general-in-chief,  seconded  by  his  ablest 
lieutenants. 

Having  found  the  enemy's  left,  the  Americans  chiefly 
turned  their  attention  to  that  flank,  as  has  just  been 
said.  The  62 d  British  regiment  was  posted  here  with 
two  guns.  This  flank  was  crushed,  and  its  artillery 
silenced  by  a  superior  fire.  Its  defeat  caused  the 


FIRST   BATTLE   OF   BEMIS*    HEIGHTS. 

[Pen  and  ink  sketch  by  a  British  officer.} 
A,  Americans  Attacking.     B,  British  Positions. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  III 

whole  British  line  to  give  way,  leaving  part  of  their 
artillery  in  our  hands. 

So  far  the  battle  had  gone  in  our  favor.  Any  demon 
stration  from  our  right,  upon  the  enemy's  left,  would, 
unquestionably,  have  rendered  the  victory  complete. 
As  nothing  of  the  kind  was  attempted,  the  British  were 
able  to  bring  up  reinforcements  from  that  wing,  with 
out  opposition,  and  the  golden  opportunity  was  lost. 

From  the  river  road,  Riedesel,  by  making  a  round 
about  march,  brought  two  of  his  regiments  into  action. 
Phillips  hurried  with  four  guns  taken  from  the  reserve 
artillery  to  the  front.  Frazer  turned  part  of  his  force 
upon  the  American  flank,  thus  relieving  Burgoyne  from 
the  pressure  laid  upon  him,  and  enabling  him  to  form 
a  second  line.  When  this  was  done,  the  whole  British 
force  advanced  again  as  far  as  their  first  position, 
while  the  Americans,  for  want  of  fresh  troops  to  meet 
them,  were  compelled  to  fall  back  under  cover  of  the 
woods  again.  The  combat  had  now  lasted  four  hours. 
Darkness  put  an  end  to  it,  nearly  on  the  spot  where  it 
had  begun.  The  British  were  indeed  masters  of  the 
field ;  but  instead  of  attacking,  they  had  always  been 
attacked,  and  instead  of  advancing,  they  had  been 
everywhere  stopped ;  their  artillery  alone  had  saved 
them  from  defeat.  Our  army  lost  three  hundred  and 
nineteen  killed  and  wounded  ;  the  British,  more  than  five 
hundred,  — the  difference  being  due  to  superior  marks 
manship.  Our  losses  could  easily  be  made  good ;  the 
British  could  not.  All  the  real  advantages,  therefore, 
were  clearly  on  the  side  of  the  Americans. 


112  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

1  BATTLE  OF  BEMIS'  HEIGHTS.     Bemis'  Heights  formed  part  of 
the  American  position,  but  not  of  the  battle-ground.     Freeman's 
Farm  would  have  been  a  more  accurate  designation.     Stilhvater 
locates  it  anywhere  within  a  township  of  many  miles  in  extent. 

2  ARNOLD'S  PART  in  this  battle  has  been  long  a  matter  of  dis 
pute.     Gates  was  jealous  of  him   because  he  was  the  idol  of  his 
soldiers.     Arnold  had  no  high  opinion  of  Gates.     After  Arnold 
turned  traitor,  every  one  seems  to  have  thought  it  a  duty  to  give 
him  a  kick.     This  feeling  is  unfortunately  conspicuous  in  the  only 
detailed  account  from  the  American  side  we  have  of  this  battle, 
which  was  written  by  Wilkinson,  Gates's  adjutant-general,  and 
given  to  the  world  nearly  forty  years  (1816)  afterwards.     Wilkin 
son  seems  to  have  fully  shared  his  commander's  likes  and  dislikes, 
and  has  treated  Arnold  shabbily.     The  battle  was  almost  wholly 
fought  by  Arnold's  division,  and  it  is  equally  incompatible  with 
his  duty  and  temper  to  suppose  he  would  have  remained  in  camp 
when  his  troops  were  engaged,  though  he  was  probably  held  back 
until  a  late  hour  in  the  day. 


XIII. 
LINCOLN'S  RAID  IN  BURGOYNE'S  REAR. 

MUCH  to  Burgoyne's  chagrin,  he  had  been  obliged 
to  garrison  Ticonderoga  with  troops  taken  from  his  own 
army,  instead  of  being  allowed  to  draw  upon  those  left 
in  Canada,  under  command  of  General  Carleton. 
About  a  thousand  men  were  thus  deducted  from  the 
force  now  operating  on  the  Hudson. 

Ever  since  the  battle  of  Bennington,  Lincoln  had 
been  most  industriously  gathering  in,  and  organizing 
the  militia,  at  Manchester.  All  New  England  was  now 
up,  and  her  sons  were  flocking  in  such  numbers  to  his 
camp,  that  Lincoln  soon  found  himself  at  the  head  of 
about  two  thousand  excellent  militia. 

Guided  by  the  spirit  of  Washington's  instructions, 
he  now  determined  on  making  an  effort  to  break  up 
Burgoyne's  communications,  capture  his  magazines, 
harass  his  outposts,  and,  perhaps,  even  throw  himself 
on  the  British  line  of  retreat.  There  is  a  refreshing 
boldness  and  vigor  about  the  conception,  something 
akin  to  real  generalship  and  enterprise.  It  was  a 
good  plan,  undertaken  without  Gates's  knowledge  or 
consent. 

On  the  same  day  that  Burgoyne  was  crossing  the 
"3 


114  BURGO  YNE  'S  INVASION 

Hudson,  Lincoln  sent  five  hundred  men  to  the  head  of 

Lake  George,  with  orders  to  destroy  the  stores  there ; 

five    hundred   more    to    attack  Ticonderoga ; 

and  another  five  hundred  to  Skenesborough, 

to  support  them  in  case  of  need.    Unknown  to  Lincoln, 

Burgoyne  had  now  wholly  dropped  his  communications 

with    the   lakes,    but    these    movements  were    no  less 

productive  of  good  results  on  that  account. 

The  first  detachment,  under  command  of  Colonel 
Brown,1  reached  Lake  George  landing  undiscovered. 
The  blockhouse  and  mills  there  were  instantly  taken. 
Mount  Defiance  and  the  French  lines  at  Ticonderoga2 
were  next  carried  without  difficulty.  In  these  opera 
tions,  Brown  took  three  hundred  prisoners,  released  over 
one  hundred  Americans  from  captivity,  and  destroyed 
a  great  quantity  of  stores. 

The  second  detachment  having,  meantime,  come  up 
before  Mount  Independence,  Ticonderoga  was  cannon 
aded,  for  some  time,  without  effect.  Unlike  St.  Clair, 
the  British  commander  would  neither  surrender  nor 
retreat,  even  when  the  guns  of  Mount  Defiance  were 
turned  against  him. 

Failing  here,  the  Americans  next  went  up  Lake 
George,  to  attack  Burgoyne's  artillery  depot,  at  Dia 
mond  Island.  They  were  not  more  successful  in  this 
attempt,  as  the  enemy  was  strongly  fortified  and  made 
a  vigorous  defence.  Afterburning  the  enemy's  boats 
on  the  lake,  Brown  returned  to  Skenesborough. 

General  Lincoln  was  about  to  march  from  Skenes 
borough  to  Fort  Edward,  with  seven  hundred  men, 


B URGO  YNE  'S  INVASION  I  I  5 

when  he  received  a  pressing  request  from  Gates,  dated 
on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  to  join  him  at  once. 

Abandoning,  therefore,  his  own  plans,  Lincoln 
retraced  his  steps  with  so  much  speed,  that  he  arrived 
in  Gates's  camp8  on  the  twenty-second.  Gates  imme 
diately  gave  him  command  of  the  right  wing4  of  the 
army. 

The  road  between  Skenesborough  and  Fort  Edward 
was  now  constantly  patrolled  by  parties  of  American 
militia;  so  that  it  was  truly  said  of  Burgoyne,  that  the 
gates  of  retreat  were  fast  closing  behind  him. 

1  COLONEL  JOHN  BROWN,  of  Pittsfield,  Mass.,  —  who  had  been 
with  Allen  at  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga  in  1775,  and  with  Mont 
gomery  at  Quebec,  —  Colonels  Warner,  Woodbridge,  and  Johnson 
cooperated  in  this  expedition.. 

2  TICONDEROGA  was  garrisoned  at  this  time  by  one  British  and 
one  German  battalion,  under  command  of  General  Powell. 

3  GATES'S  CAMP.     By  this  time,  Gates  also  had  connected  his 
camp  with  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson,  by  a  floating  bridge,  to 
facilitate  the  crossing  of  reinforcements  to  him. 

4  THE  RIGHT  WING  was  composed  of  Nixon's,  Glover's,  and 
Patterson's  Continental  brigades,  with  a  certain  proportion  of 
militia.  The  left  wing  of  Poor's  and  Learned's  brigades,  Dear 
born's  Light  Infantry,  and  Morgan's  corps,  with  a  like  proportion 
of  militia. 


XIV. 

SECOND    BATTLE    OF    FREEMAN'S  FARM. 

(October,  1777.) 

CONVINCED  that  another  such  victory  would  be  his 
ruin,  Burgoyne  now  thought  only  of  defending  himself 
until  the  wished-for  help  should  come.  To  this  end,  he 
began  intrenching  the  ground  on  which  he  stood.  The 
action  of  September  19  had,  therefore,  changed  the 
relative  situation  of  the  antagonists,  in  that  from  being 
the  assailant,  Burgoyne  was  now  driven  to  act  wholly 
on  the  defensive. 

On  the  day  following  the  battle,  a  courier  brought 
Burgoyne  the  welcome  news  that  forces  from  New 
York  would  soon  be  on  the  way  to  his  relief.  Word 
was  instantly  sent  back  that  his  army  could  hold  its 
ground  until  the  i2th  of  October,  by  which  time  it  was 
not  doubted  that  the  relieving  force  would  be  near 
enough  at  hand  to  crush  Gates  between  two  fires. 

Burgoyne,  therefore,  now  threw  his  bridge  across  the 
Hudson  again,  posted  a  guard  on  the  farther  side,  made 
At  wiiber's  his  camp  as  strong  as  possible,  and  waited 

Basin.  with  growing  impatience  for  the  sound  of 
Sir  Henry  Clinton's1  cannon  to  be  heard  in  the 
distance.  But  Clinton  did  not  move  to  Burgoyne's 
assistance  until  too  late.  The  blundering  of  the  War 

116 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  1 1/ 

Office  had  worked  its  inevitable  results.  By  the  time 
Clinton  reached  Tarrytown,  thirty  miles  above  New 
York,  Burgoyne's  army  had  been  put  on  short 
rations.  With  the  utmost  economy  the  provis 
ions  could  not  be  made  to  last  much  beyond  the  day 
fixed  in  Burgoyne's  despatch.  Foraging  was  out  of 
the  question.  Nothing  could  be  learned  about  Clinton's 
progress.  All  between  the  two  British  armies  was  such 
perilous  ground,  that  several  officers  had  returned  un 
successful,  after  making  heroic  efforts  to  reach  Clinton's 
camp. 

While  Btirgoyne  was  thus  anxiously  looking  forward 
to  Clinton's  energetic  cooperation,  that  officer  sup 
posed  he  was  only  making  a  diversion  in  Burgoyne's 
favor,  a  feint  to  call  off  the  enemy's  attention  from 
him ;  and  thus  it  happened  that  in  the  decisive  hour  of 
the  war,  and  after  the  signal  had  been  given,  only  one 
arm  was  raised  to  strike,  because  two  British  com 
manders  acted  without  unison  ;  either  through  miscon 
ception  of  the  orders  they  had  received,  or  of  what 
was  expected  of  them  in  just  such  an  emergency  as  the 
one  that  now  presented  itself. 

Perhaps  two  armies  have  seldom  remained  so  near 
together  for  so  long  a  time  without  coming  to  blows,  as 
the  two  now  facing  each  other  on  the  heights  of  Still- 
water.  The  camps  being  little  more  than  a  mile  apart, 
brought  the  hostile  pickets  so  close  together,  that  men 
strayed  into  the  opposite  lines  unawares.  Day  and 
night  there  was  incessant  firing  from  the  outposts, 
every  hour  threatened  to  bring  on  a  battle.  Half  Bur- 


Il8  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

goyne's  soldiers  were  constantly  under  arms  to  repel 
the  attack,  which  —  in  view  of  the  desperate  condition 
they  found  themselves  placed  in,  of  the  steady  progress 
from  bad  to  worse  —  was  rather  hoped  for  than  feared. 

Two  weeks  passed  thus  without  news  of  Clinton. 
Burgoyne's  provisions  were  now  getting  alarmingly  low. 
If  he  staid  where  he  was,  in  a  few  days,  at  most,  he 
would  be  starved  into  surrendering.  Again  the  ominous 
word  "  retreat  "  was  heard  around  the  camp-fires.  The 
hospital  was  filled  with  wounded  men.  Hard  duty  and 
scant  food  were  telling  on  those  fit  for  duty.  Lincoln's 
raid  announced  a  new  and  dangerous  complication. 
It  was  necessary  to  try  something,  for  Gates's  do-nothing 
policy  was  grinding  them  to  powder. 

A  council  was  therefore  called.  It  is  a  maxim,  as 
old  as  history,  that  councils  of  war  never  fight.  Some 
of  Burgoyne's  generals  advised  putting  the  Hudson 
between  themselves  and  Gates,  as  the  only  means  now 
left  of  saving  the  army;  none,  it  is  believed,  advo 
cated  risking  another  battle. 

Burgoyne  could  not  bring  himself  to  order  a  retreat 
without  first  making  one  more  effort  for  victory.  He 
dwelt  strongly  upon  the  difficulty  of  withdrawing  the 
army  in  the  face  of  so  vigilant  and  powerful  an  enemy. 
He  maintained  his  own  opinion  that  even  in  order  to 
secure  an  honorable  retreat  it  would  be  necessary  to 
fight,  and  it  was  so  determined. 

It  is  evident  that  Burgoyne  nourished  a  secret  hope 
that  fortune  might  yet  take  a  turn  favorable  to  him  ; 
otherwise,  it  is  impossible  to  account  for  his  making 


B URGO  YNE  \S"  INVASION  I  1 9 

this  last  and  most  desperate  effort,  under  conditions 
even  less  favorable  than  had  attended  his  attack  of  the 
igth  of  September. 

Fifteen  hundred  men  and  ten  guns  were  chosen  for 
the  attempt.  In  plain  language,  Burgoyne  started  out 
to  provoke  a  combat  with  an  enemy  greatly  his  superior 
in  numbers,  with  less  than  half  the  force  his  former 
demonstration  had  been  made  with.  His  idea  seems 
to  have  been  to  take  up  a  position  from  which  his 
cannon  would  reach  the  American  works.  After  in 
trenching,  it  was  his  intention  to  bring  up  his  heavy 
artillery,  and  open  a  cannonade  which  he  was  confident 
the  enemy  could  not  withstand,  as  their  defensive  works 
were  chiefly  built  of  logs.  And  out  of  this  state  of 
things,  Burgoyne  hoped  to  derive  some  substantial 
benefit. 

This  plan  differed  from  that  of  the  igth  of  Sep 
tember,  in  that  it  looked  chiefly  to  obtaining  a  more 
advantageous  position ;  while  on  the  former  occasion  it 
was  attempted  to  force  a  way  through  or  around  the 
American  left.  The  lesson  of  that  day  had  not  been 
lost  on  Burgoyne,  who  now  meant  to  utilize  his  artillery 
to  the  utmost,  rather  than  risk  the  inevitable  slaughter 
that  must  ensue  from  an  attempt  to  carry  the  American 
lines  by  storm. 

Everything  depended  upon  gaining  the  desired  posi 
tion  before  the  Americans  could  make  their  dispositions 
to  thwart  the  attempt. 

The  importance  to  the  army  of  this  movement  in 
duced  Burgoyne  to  call  his  three  best  generals  to  his 


120  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

aid  ;  so  that  nothing  that  experience  could  suggest,  or 
skill  attempt,  should  be  left  undone.  It  was  kept  a 
profound  secret  till  the  troops  who  were  going  out  to 
fight  were  actually  under  arms.  The  rest  of  the  army 
was  to  remain  in  the  works;  so  that,  if  worst  came  to 
worst,  the  enemy  might  not  reap  any  decided  advan 
tage  from  a  victory  gained  over  the  fighting  corps. 

It   was   near  one   o'clock,  on   the   afternoon  of  the 
seventh,  when   Burgoyne  marched  out  from    his  own 
t,   toward    the    American    left.      He    had 


Oct.  7. 

reached  an  eminence  rising  at  the  right  of 
the  late  battle-ground,  and  not  far  removed  from  Fra- 
zer's  position  on  that  day,  when  the  pickets  of  Arnold's 
division  discovered  his  approach,  and  gave  the  alarm. 
Having  gained  a  favorable  position  for  using  his  guns, 
Burgoyne  halted,  and  formed  his  line. 

Upon  hearing  that  the  British  had  advanced  to 
within  half  a  mile  of  his  left,  and  were  offering  bat 
tle,  Gates  decided  to  accept  the  challenge,  as  he  now 
felt  strong  enough  to  do  so  without  fear  for  the  result, 
and  the  behavior  of  his  own  troops  in  the  previous 
battle  had  been  such  as  to  put  an  end  to  his  doubts 
about  their  ability  to  cope  with  British  soldiers.  Mor 
gan  was  therefore  ordered  to  make  a  detour  through 
the  woods,  and  fall  on  the  British  right  flank,  while 
other  troops  were  attacking  on  its  left. 

These  movements  were  gallantly  executed.  At  three 
o'clock,  Burgoyne's  artillery  opened  the  battle  ;  at 
four,  the  Americans  charged  the  British  position  under 
a  heavy  fire  of  cannon  and  musketry.  Again  and  again, 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  121 

the  Continentals  met  the  British  bayonet  without  flinch 
ing.  Never  was  a  battle  more  manfully  fought.  Bur- 
goyne  faced  death  like  the  meanest  soldier  in  the  ranks. 
After  some  discharges,  the  British  cannoneers  were  shot 
down  at  their  pieces,  and  the  hill  on  which  they  stood 
was  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

On  his  part,  Morgan  grappled  with  the  British  right, 
overthrew  it  after  a  fierce  struggle,  and  drove  it  back 
upon  the  centre.  In  vain  Frazer 2  tried  to  stem  the  tide 
of  defeat  by  throwing  himself  into  the  thickest  of  the 
fight.  "That  man,"  said  Morgan,  pointing  him  out  to 
his  marksmen,  "must  die."  A  rifle  bullet  soon  gave 

O 

the  gallant  Scot  his  death  wound,  and  he  was  led  from 
the  field. 

The  combat  had  lasted  scarce  an  hour.  All  Bur- 
goyne's  guns  were  taken.  Of  the  fifteen  hundred 
soldiers  he  had  led  into  action,  four  hundred  lay  dead 
or  dying  around  him.  Frazer's  fall  had  carried  dismay 
among  those  who  were  still  stubbornly  yielding  the 
ground  to  the  victorious  Americans.  A  retreat  was 
sounded.  The  Americans  followed  on  with  loud 
shouts.  For  a  few  moments  a  rearguard  fight  was 
kept  up,  then  the  retreat  became  a  rout,  the  rout  a 
race,  to  see  who  should  first  reach  the  British  lines. 

Thus  far  the  action  had  been  maintained  on  our 
part,  by  the  same  troops  who  had  fought  the  battle  of 
September  19,  and  in  part  on  the  same  ground.  It  was 
now  to  be  transferred  to  the  enemy's  own  camp. 

Hardly  had  the  British  gained  the  shelter  of  their 
works,  when  the  Americans,  led  on  by  Arnold,  stormed 


122  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

them  with  reckless  bravery.  Gates  had  held  Arnold 
back  from  the  field  from  motives  of  envy  and  dislike  ; 
but  Arnold,  to  whom  the  sound  of  battle  was  like  the 
spur  to  the  mettled  courser,  at  last  broke  through  all 
restraint.  Leaping  into  the  saddle,  he  spurred  into 
the  thickest  of  the  fight  before  Gates  could  stop  him. 

The  point  of  attack  was  strongly  defended  by  artil 
lery,  and  the  Americans  here  suffered  their  first  repulse. 
Other  troops  came  up.  The  assault  soon  began  again 
all  along  the  British  line.  Beaten  off  in  one  place, 
Arnold  spurred  over  to  the  enemy's  extreme  right, 
where  Breyman  was  posted  behind  a  breastwork  of 
logs  and  rails,  that  formed  a  right  angle  with  the  rest 
of  the  line.  Calling  on  the  nearest  battalion  to  follow 
him,  Arnold  leaped  his  horse  over  the  parapet.  The 
Germans  fired  one  volley  and  fled.  Our  troops  took 
guns  and  prisoners.  By  this  success  they  had  gained 
an  opening  on  Burgoyne's  right  and  rear,  precisely  as 
he  had  meant  to  do  by  them.  In  this  last  assault 
Breyman  was  killed,  and  Arnold  wounded. 

The  day  was  now  too  far  spent  for  further  efforts  to 
be  made  on  either  side.  Little  by  little,  the  angry  roll 
of  musketry  sunk  into  silence.  The  battle  was  over. 

1  SIR  HENRY  CLINTON  then  commanded  at  New  York,  under 
the  orders  of  Sir  William  Howe.  Not  having  received  orders  to 
assist  Burgoyne  in  any  event,  until  he  was  about  to  engage  with 
Washington  for  the  possession  of  Philadelphia.  Howe  turned  over 
the  matter  of  assisting  Burgoyne  to  Clinton,  who  was  compelled 
to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  fresh  troops,  then  on  the  way  from  Eng 
land,  before  he  could  organize  an  expedition  to  attack  our  posts  in 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION"  I2J 

the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.     See  Introduction  ;  also  Note  I, 
"  Facing  Disaster  "  (p.  60). 

2  GENERAL  SIMON  FRAZER  was  of  Scotch  birth,  younger  son 
of  Frazer  of  Balnain.  His  actual  rank  on  joining  Burgoyne  was 
lieutenant-colonel,  24th  foot.  With  other  field  officers  assigned  to 
command  brigades,  he  was  made  acting  brigadier,  and  is  therefore 
known  as  General  Frazer,  though  Burgoyne  was  notified  that  this 
local  rank  would  cease  when  his  army  joined  Sir  William  Howe. 
Frazer's  remains  were  disinterred  and  taken  to  England.  The 
spot  where  he  was  wounded  is  marked  by  a  monument,  and  in 
dicates  where  he  endeavored  to  make  a  stand  after  being  driven 
from  his  first  position.  Anburey  and  Madame  Riedesel  give 
graphic  accounts  of  his  death  and  burial. 


XV. 

RETREAT   AND    SURRENDER. 

BURGOYNE  had  been  everywhere  foiled  by  the  battle 
of  the  seventh.  Instead  of  turning  Gates's  flank  his 
own  had  been  turned.  Instead  of  thrusting  Gates 
back  upon  the  river,  he  would  surely  be  forced  there 
himself,  in  a  few  hours,  at  most.  Instead,  even,  of 
dealing  Gates  such  a  blow  as  would  favor  a  retreat,  Bur- 
goyne's  situation  was  now  more  precarious  than  ever:  it 
was  more  than  precarious ;  it  was  next  to  hopeless. 

It  is  again  but  too  plain  that  Burgoyne  had  not  taken 
defeat  —  such  a  defeat  —  seriously  into  account,  or  he 
would  never  have  led  out  that  gallant  little  column  of 
fifteen  hundred  men  ;  first,  for  victory,  then,  for  an  hon 
orable  retreat.  His  army  was  now  like  the  wounded 
lion,  whose  expiring  struggles  the  hunter  watches  at  a 
distance,  without  fear,  and  without  danger.  All  had 
been  lost  but  honor. 

The  first  and  only  thing  to  be  done  now  was  promptly 
to  form  a  new  line  of  defence,  behind  which  the  army 
could  mask  its  retreat.  This  was  skilfully  and  quietly 
done  on  the  night  after  the  battle,  our  troops  not 
attempting  to  do  more  than  hold  the  ground  already 
won.  In  the  morning  they  occupied  the  deserted 
works. 

124 


THE    RETREAT   TO    SARATOGA. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  12 7 

Burgoyne's  new  position  stretched  along  the  heights 
next  the  river,  so  as  to  cover  the  road  to  Saratoga.  He 
had  merely  drawn  back  his  centre  and  right,  while  his 
left  wing  remained  stationary  ;  and  he  now  stood  facing 
west,  instead  of  south,  as  before  the  battle. 

The  day  passed  in  skirmishing,  reconnoitring,  and 
artillery  firing.  The  Americans  were  feeling  their  way 
along  the  enemy's  new  front,  while  Burgoyne's 
every  effort  was  limited  to  keeping  them  at  a 
distance,  with  his  superior  artillery,  till  night.  On  our 
side,  his  intentions  were  rather  guessed  than  certainly 
known.  His  great  problem  was  how  to  get  his  army 
over  the  Hudson  undiscovered.  It  was  supposed  that 
he  would  attempt  to  retreat  across  his  bridge  as  soon  as 
it  was  dark.  Our  artillery,  therefore,  tried  to  destroy 
it  with  shot.  Moreover,  fourteen  hundred  men  were 
crossed  over  to  the  east  bank,  and  now  stood  ready  to 
dispute  Burgoyne's  passage  from  that  side  of  the  river. 

At  sunset,  General  Frazer  was  buried 1  inside  a  bat 
tery,  on  the  brow  of  the  heights,  according  to  his  dying 
wish.  Chaplain  Brudenell  read  the  burial  service,  with 
our  balls  ploughing  up  the  earth  around  him,  and  our  can 
non  thundering  the  soldier's  requiem  from  camp  to  camp. 

At  nine  o'clock,  the  British  army  began  its  retreat 
along  the  river  road,  leaving  its  camp-fires  burning 
behind  it ;  profound  silence  was  enjoined.  To  avoid 
confusion,  the  different  corps  simply  moved  off  in  the 
order  in  which  they  stood  on  the  lines,  or  by  their  right. 
Upon  finding  that  his  crossing  would  be  opposed  by 
the  troops  who  had  passed  over  to  the  east  bank, 


128  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

Burgoyne  had  decided  to  go  back  the  way  he  came  as 
far  as  Saratoga,  and  on  fording  the  river  at  that  place. 
Orders  were  therefore  given  to  destroy  the  bridge.  Just 
before  clay,  his  rearguard  set  fire  to  it,  and  marched  off 
without  interference.  All  the  sick  and  wounded  were 
left  behind. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  all  of  the  enemy's  move 
ments  announced  a  rapid  retreat,  the  Americans  seem 
to  have  shown  a  want  of  vigor  in  pushing  the  advantages 
they  had  won  by  the  late  battles.  This  hesitation  may 
be  in  part  accounted  for  by  the  other  fact  that  both 
Arnold  and  Lincoln  were  disabled.  Lincoln  had  been 
wounded  while  reconnoitring  the  enemy's  right,  on  the 
eighth,  with  a  view  of  passing  a  force  round  in  his  rear. 
Gates  was  thus  deprived  of  his  most  efficient  lieuten 
ants  at  the  moment  when  they  were-  most  needed.  The 
British  army  could  hardly  have  been  placed  in  a  more 
critical  position ;  but,  by  keeping  up  a  bold  front,  it 
managed  to  extricate  itself  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

Rain  began  falling  early  the  next  morning.  Burgoyne 
had  inarched  but  six  miles,  yet  dallied  till  afternoon  on 
the  spot  where  he  had  halted  early  in  the 
day.  He  then  saw,  to  his  inexpressible  dis 
may,  the  same  body  of  Americans2  whom  he  had 
seen  opposite  his  encampment  at  Stillwater,  now  march 
ing  abreast  of  him,  with  the  evident  design  of 

Dovegat, 

now  seizing  the  Saratoga  ford  before  he  could  get 
Coveviiie.  to  it  Tiie  road  jie  meant  to  take  was,  there 
fore,  already  as  good  as  in  the  enemy's  hands. 

The  discovery  that  he  was  being  everywhere  hemmed 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  I2g 

in  hastened  Burgoyne's  departure.  Much  baggage  and 
many  wagons  and  tents  were  burned,  in  order  that  the 
army  might  inarch  the  faster.  Like  a  ship,  laboring 
with  the  gale,  it  was  relieving  itself  of  all  unnecessary 
burdens. 

Pelted  by  the  storm,  in  silence,  and  with  downcast 
looks,  the  soldiers  plodded  wearily  on,  through  mud  and 
water,  ankle  deep.  No  tap  of  drum  or  bugle-call  put 
life  into  their  heavy  tread.  The  sense  of  defeat  and 
disgrace  brooded  over  the  minds  of  officers  and  men, 
as  they  stole  away  in  darkness  and  gloom  from  an 
enemy  for  whom  they  had  but  lately  felt  such  high 
disdain.  Grief,  shame,  and  indignation  were  the  com 
mon  lot  of  high  and  low.  No  word  was  spoken,  except 
when  the  curt  "  Forward  "  of  the  officers  passed  along 
the  ranks.  All  knew  instinctively,  that  this  retreat  was 
but  the  prelude  to  greater  disaster,  which,  perchance, 
was  not  far  off. 

The  same  evening,  the  bedraggled  and  footsore  sol 
diers  waded  the  Fishkill 8  where  the  bridge  had  been, 
but  was  now  destroyed,  and  bivouacked  on  the  heights 
of  Saratoga.4  Too  weary  even  to  light  fires,  to  dry  their 
clothing,  or  cook  their  suppers,  they  threw  themselves 
on  the  wet  ground  to  snatch  a  few  hours'  sleep ;  for, 
dark  as  it  was,  and  though  rain  fell  in  torrents,  the 
firing  heard  at  intervals  throughout  the  night  told  them 
that  the  Americans  were  dogging  their  footsteps,  and 
would  soon  be  up  with  them.  It  seemed  as  if  the  foe 
were  never  to  be  shaken  off. 

It  was  not  till  after  daylight  that  the  British  artillery 


130  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

could  ford  the  Fishkill  with  safety.  The  guns  were 
then  dragged  up  the  heights  and  once  more  pointed 
toward  the  advancing  enemy.  Numbness 
and  torpor  seem  to  have  pervaded  the  whole 
movement  thus  far.  Now  it  was  that  Frazer's  loss  was 
most  bitterly  deplored,  for  he  had  often  pledged  himself 
to  bring  off  the  army  in  safety,  should  a  retreat  become 
necessary.  He  had  marked  out,  and  intrenched  this 
very  position,  in  which  the  army  now  found  its  last 
retreat.  Almost  twenty-four  hours  had  been  consumed 
in  marching  not  quite  ten  miles,  or  at  a  much  slower 
rate  of  progress  than  Burgoyne  had  censured  Breyman 
for  making  to  Baum's  relief,  at  Bennington.  Burgoyne 
seemed  to  find  satisfaction  in  showing  that  he  would  not 
be  hurried. 

The  army  took  up  its  old  positions  along  the  heights 
into  which  the  Fishkill  cuts  deeply,  as  it  runs  to  the 
Hudson.  Being  threatened  in  front,  flank,  and  rear, 
Burgoyne  had  to  form  three  separate  camps,  facing  as 
many  different  ways.  One  fronted  the  Fishkill  and 
commanded  the  usual  fording-place.  A  second  looked 
east  at  the  enemy  posted  across  the  Hudson  ;  a  third 
faced  the  west,  where  the  ground  rose  above  the  camps, 
and  hid  itself  in  a  thick  forest. 

Though  he  secured  his  camps  as  well  as  he  could, 
Burgoyne  meant  to  make  no  delay  here.  But  it  was 
no  longer  in  his  power  to  control  his  own  acts.  The 
want  of  energy  shown  in  the  retreat  had  given  the 
Americans  time  to  close  every  avenue  of  escape  against 
him. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  131 

Let  us  note  how  the  fate  of  armies  is  decided.  Active 
pursuit  did  not  begin  until  the  morning  of  the  ninth, 
when  the  retreat  was  first  discovered.  A  start  of  ten 
hours  had  thus  been  gained  by  the  British.  Their 
artillery  had  so  cut  up  the  roads  as  to  render  them 
next  to  impassable  for  our  troops.  Frequent  halts  had 
to  be  made  to  mend  broken  bridges.  From  these 
causes,  even  so  late  as  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  our 
army  had  advanced  but  three  miles  from  the  battle 
ground.  But  Burgoyne  had  marched,  when  he  inarched 
at  all,  like  a  general  who  means  to  be  overtaken.  Four 
thousand  men  were  being  pushed  around  his  right ;  an 
equal  number  followed  in  his  rear  ;  while  fourteen  hun 
dred  more  menaced  with  destruction  any  attempt  he 
might  make  to  ford  the  river. 

No  choice  being  left  but  to  continue  the  retreat  by 
the  west  bank,  pioneers  were  sent  out,  under  a  strong 
escort,  to  make  the  road  passable. 

But  the  golden  moment  had  already  flown.  By  this 
time  Gates's  van  had  come  up  with  Burgoyne.  Morgan's 
corps  had  crossed  the  Fishkill  at  a  point  above  the 
British  camps,  had  taken  post  within  rifle-shot,  and  had 
thus  fastened  upon  the  enemy  a  grip  never  more  to  be 
shaken  off. 

As  a  last  resort,  the  British  general  decided  to  at 
tempt  a  night  retreat,  leaving  behind  the  artillery  he 
had  so  persistently  dragged  after  him  when  the  fate  of 
his  army  was  hanging  on  its  speed  alone.  Before  this 
desperate  venture  could  be  put  to  trial,  worse  news 
came  to  hand.  It  was  learned  that  Stark,  with  two 


132  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

thousand  men,  was  in  possession  of  Fort  Edward,  and 
of  all  the  fords  below  it.  Turn  what  way  he  would, 
Burgoyne  found  a  foe  in  his  path. 

Even  General  Burgoyne  now  saw  no  way  open  but 

surrender ;  either  he  must  do  this,  or  let  his  soldiers 

be  slaughtered  where  they  stood.    Cannon  and 

Oct.  13. 

rifle  shot  were  searching  every  corner  of  his 
camp  ;  retreat  was  cut  off ;  his  provisions  could  be  made 
to  last  but  a  day  or  two  longer  at  most ;  the  bateaux 
were  destroyed ;  his  animals  were  dying  of  starvation, 
and  their  dead  bodies  tainting  the  air  his  soldiers 
breathed ;  water  could  only  be  had  at  the  risk  of  life  or 
limb,  as  the  American  sharpshooters  picked  off  every 
one  who  attempted  to  fetch  it  from  the  river;  and  no 
more  than  thirty-five  hundred  men  could  be  mustered  to 
repel  an  assault ;  —  a  crisis  had  now  been  reached  which 
loudly  called  on  the  British  general,  in  the  name  of  hu 
manity,  to  desist  from  further  efforts  to  maintain  so 
hopeless  a  struggle. 

Burgoyne  called  his  officers  together  in  council. 
The  absence  of  such  men  as  Frazer,  Baum,  Breyman, 
Ackland,  Clarke,  and  others  from  the  meeting,  must 
have  brought  home  to  the  commanding  general,  as 
nothing  else  could,  a  sense  of  the  calamities  that  had 
befallen  him  ;  while  the  faces  of  the  survivors  no  less 
ominously  prefigured  those  to  come.  A  heavy  cannon 
ade  was  in  progress.  Even  while  the  council  was  delib 
erating,  a  cannon-ball  crashed  through  the  room  among 
them,  as  if  to  enjoin  haste  in  bringing  the  proceedings 
to  a  close.  The  council  listened  to  what  was  already 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION  133 

but  too  well  known.  Already  the  finger  of  fate  pointed 
undeviatingly  to  the  inevitable  result.  A  general  lassi 
tude  had  fallen  upon  the  spirits  of  the  soldiers.  The 
situation  was  manifestly  hopeless  to  all. 

There  could  be  but  one  opinion.  Enough  had  been 
done  for  honor.  All  were  agreed  that  only  a  surrender 
could  save  the  army. 

Without  more  delay,  an  officer  was  sent  to  General 
Gates  At  first  he  would  listen  only  to  an  uncon 
ditional  surrender.  This  was  indignantly 
rejected.  Two  days  of  suspense  followed  to 
both  armies.  Indeed,  the  vanquished  seemed  dictat 
ing  terms  to  the  conqueror.  But  if  the  British  dreaded 
a  renewal  of  hostilities,  the  Americans  knew  that  Clin 
ton's  forces5  were  nearing  Albany  from  below.  Gates 
lowered  his  demands.  The  British  army  was  allowed 
the  honors  of  war,  with  liberty  to  return  to  England, 
on  condition  of  not  serving  against  the  United  States 
during  the  war.  These  terms  were  agreed  to,  and  the 
treaty  was  duly  signed  on  the  seventeenth. 

Burgoyne's  situation  when  gathering  up  his  trophies, 
and  issuing  his  presumptuous  proclamation  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  compared  with  the  straits  to  which  his  reverses 
had  now  brought  him  —  a  failure  before  his  king  and 
country,  a  captain  stripped  of  his  laurels  by  the  hand 
he  professed  to  despise,  a  petitioner  for  the  clemency  of 
his  conqueror  —  affords  a  striking  example  of  the  un 
certain  chances  of  war.  It  really  seemed  as  if  fortune 
had  only  raised  Burgoyne  the  higher  in  order  that  his 
fall  might  be  the  more  destructive  at  last. 


134  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

1  FRAZER'S   BURIAL  would  not  have  been  molested  had  our 
artillerists   known   what   was   going   forward.      Seeing   so  many 
persons  collected  in  the  redoubt,  they  naturally  directed  their  fire 
upon  it. 

2  THIS  BODY  OF  AMERICANS  was  led  by  Colonel  John  Fellows, 
whom  Gates  had  ordered  to  seize  the  fords  as  high  up  as  Fort 
Edward. 

3  FISHKILL,  or  Fish  Creek,   is   the  outlet  of    Saratoga  Lake. 
Though  a  rapid  mill-stream,  there  were  several  fords.     The  pre 
cipitous  banks  were  a  greater  obstacle  to  troops  than  the  stream 
itself. 

4  HEIGHTS  OF  SARATOGA  are  in  what  is  now  called  Schuyler- 
ville,  a  village  owing  its  prosperity  to  the  water-power  of  the  Fish- 
kill.     At  the  time  of  the  surrender,  there  were  only  a  few  houses 
strung  along  the  river  road.     Schuyler's  house  stood  in  the  angle 
formed  by  the  entrance  of  the    Fishkill  into  the  Hudson.     On 
arriving  at  Saratoga,  Burgoyne  occupied  this  house  as  his  head 
quarters,  but  burned  it  to  the  ground  immediately  on  the  appear 
ance  of  the  Americans.     On  the  opposite  (north)  bank  of  the 
Fishkill  was  old   Fort  Hardy,  built  during  the  French  War,  to 
cover  the  ford  of  the   Hudson  at  this  place.     Within  this  fort, 
Burgoyne's  army  laid  down  its  arms,  October  17,  1777.     On  the 
heights  back  of  the  river  a  granite  obelisk,  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
four  feet  high,  has  been  built  to  commemorate  the  event. 

5  CLINTON'S  FORCES  carried  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton, 
in  the  Highlands,  by  assault  on  the  sixth.     Having  thus  broken 
down  all  opposition  to  their  advance  up  the  Hudson,  they  reached 
Kingston  (Esopus)  on  the  thirteenth,  burned  it,  and  were  within  a 
few  hours'  sail  of  Albany  when  news  of   Burgoyne's  surrender 
caused  them  to  retreat  down  the  river. 


WHERE  THE   SURRENDER   TOOK    PLACE. 


XVI. 

THE  SEVENTEENTH  OF  OCTOBER,  1777. 

THE  closing  scene  of  this  most  memorable  cam 
paign  is  thus  described  by  one  of  the  actors  in  it.  He 
says,  — 

"  About  ten  o'clock  we  marched  out,  according  to 
treaty,  with  drums  beating,  and  the  honors  of  war ;  but 
the  drums  seemed  to  have  lost  their  former  inspiriting 
sounds,  and  though  we  beat  the  Grenadiers'  March, 
which  not  long  before  was  so  animating,  yet  now  it 
seemed  by  its  last  feeble  effort  as  if  almost  ashamed  to 
be  heard  on  such  an  occasion. 

"  I  shall  never  forget  the  appearance  of  the  Ameri 
can  troops  on  our  marching  past  them.  A  dead  silence 
reigned  through  their  numerous  columns.  I  must  say 
their  decent  behavior  to  us,  so  greatly  fallen,  merited 
the  utmost  praise.  .  .  .  Not  one  of  them  was  uniformly 
clad.  Each  had  on  the  clothes  he  wore  in  the  fields, 
the  church,  or  the  tavern  ;  they  stood,  however,  like 
soldiers,  well  arranged,  and  with  a  military  air,  in  which 
there  was  but  little  to  find  fault  with.  All  the  muskets 
had  bayonets,  and  the  sharpshooters  had  rifles.  The 
men  all  stood  so  still  that  we  were  filled  with  wonder. 
Not  one  of  them  made  a  single  motion  as  if  he  would 
speak  with  his  neighbor.  Nay,  more,  all  the  lads  that 

'37 


138  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION' 

stood  there  in  rank  and  file,  kind  nature  had  formed  so 
trim,  so  slender,  so  nervous,  that  it  was  a  pleasure 
to  look  at  them,  and  we  were  all  surprised  at  the  sight 
of  such  a  handsome,  well- formed  race.  The  whole 
nation  has  a  natural  turn  for  war  and  a  soldier's  life. 

"The  generals  wore  uniforms,  and  belts  which  desig 
nated  their  rank,  but  most  of  the  colonels  were  in  their 
ordinary  clothes,  with  a  musket  and  bayonet  in  hand, 
and  a  cartridge-box  or  powder-horn  slung  over  the 
shoulder.  There  were  regular  regiments  which,  for 
want  of  time  or  cloth,  were  not  yet  equipped  in  uni 
form.  These  had  standards,  with  various  emblems 
and  mottoes,  some  of  which  had  a  very  satirical  mean 
ing  for  us." 

The  number  of  regular  troops,  British  and  German, 
who  laid  down  their  arms  at  Saratoga  was  5,591.  The 
camp-followers  amounted  to  two  hundred  more.  Forty- 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  nearly  five  thousand  muskets, 
with  ammunition  for  both,  fell  into  the  victors'  hands. 


XVII. 

THE    CONSEQUENCES    OF    DEFEAT. 

WE  come  now  to  the  reasons  why  Burgoyne's  sur 
render  proved  decisive  to  the  cause  of  American  inde 
pendence. 

Our  opening  chapter  states  that  England  took  Canada 
from  France  in  1759,  and  annexed  it  to  her  own  domin 
ions  in  1763.  This  conquest  came  about  through  what 
is  known  in  history  as  the  Seven  Years'  War,  which 
had  not  only  raised  all  Europe  in  arms,  but  had  lighted 
the  flames  of  war  throughout  our  own  continent  also. 
The  great  battle  was  fought  on  the  plains  of  Quebec. 
Victory  decided  for  England.  Defeated  France  had, 
at  last,  to  give  up  Canada  to  her  ancient  enemy. 

France  came  out  of  this  conflict  sorely  humbled. 
She  was  brooding  over  her  defeat,  when  the  American 
colonies  took  up  arms.  The  colonists  at  once  turned 
with  confidence  to  France ;  now  was  her  chance  to 
cripple  England,  to  get  back  what  she  had  lost,  to  gain 
the  friendship  of  a  grateful  people,  and  make  them  her 
debtor  for  all  time.  But  France  would  not  go  to  war 
unless  assured  that  her  doing  so  would  turn  the  scale 
against  England.  The  memory  of  her  humiliation  was 
too  recent,  the  chances  of  the  contest  too  doubtful,  to 
admit  of  any  other  course  of  conduct  on  her  part. 


BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

Meanwhile,  she  gave  us  much  secret  help,  but  none 
openly.  The  course  of  events  was,  however,  closely 
watched,  and  when  Burgoyne's  surrender  was  known  in 
Paris,  it  was  seen  that  the  day  of  revenge  had  come  at 
last.  Doubt  and  hesitation  gave  way  before  the  general 
demand  for  war.  Franklin  was  openly  received  at 
Versailles.  Within  three  months,  the  French  court 
had  acknowledged  our  independence.  Her  armies  and 
fleets  prepared  to  give  us  active  aid,  and  it  was  not 
doubted  that  her  example  would  soon  be  followed  by 
Spain  and  Holland. 

Thus,  Burgoyne's  surrender  gained  for  us  at  once 
recognition  as  a  nation,  and  the  alliance  of  the  first 
military  power  of  Europe. 

The  effect  of  the  surrender  in  England  is  thus 
described  by  Gibbon,  the  historian,  who  was  then 
sitting  in  Parliament :  "  Dreadful  news  indeed  !  An 
English  army  of  nearly  ten  thousand  men  laid  down 
their  arms,  and  surrendered,  prisoners'  of  war,  on 
condition  of  being  sent  to  England,  and  of  never  serv 
ing  against  America.  They  had  fought  bravely,  and 
were  three  days  without  eating.  Burgoyne  is  said  to 
have  received  three  wounds ;  General  Frazer,  with  two 
thousand  men,  killed  ;  Colonel  Ackland  likewise  killed. 
A  general  cry  for  peace." 

England  now  gave  up  the  colonies  for  lost.  In  truth, 
it  needed  no  prophet  to  foretell  that  what  England 
could  not  do  before,  she  could  do  still  less  now,  with 
France  against  her.  From  this  time  forward,  the  war 
was  carried  on  more  to  save  the  nation's  pride  than 


BURGOYNE*S  INVASION  141 

with  any  hope  of  success.  The  military  policy  under 
went  an  instant  change  ;  it  now  looked  rather  to  de 
stroying  our  commerce  and  ports,  than  to  marching 
large  armies  into  the  interior  of  the  country,  to  meet 
with  a  like  fate  to  Burgoyne's.  Howe  was  ordered  to 
evacuate  Philadelphia.  In  Parliament,  a  plan  was 
hurriedly  put  forth  to  grant  everything  the  Americans 
had  asked  for,  except  independence.  As  Gibbon  well 
said,  the  two  greatest  countries  of  Europe  were  fairly 
running  a  race  for  the  favor  of  America. 

The  movements  taking  place  on  the  continent  showed 
everywhere  a  feeling  hostile  to  England.  No  nation 
was  ever  so  friendless  as  she,  none  had  so  richly 
deserved  the  coldness  with  which  the  other  powers  now 
treated  her.  Spain  and  Holland  were  getting  ready  to 
follow  the  lead  of  France.  It  was  well  known  that 
England  could  not  carry  on  the  war  without  the  aid  of 
mercenaries.  The  King  of  Prussia  and  the  Empress 
of  Austria  now  refused  to  permit  any  more  German 
soldiers  to  go  to  America.  In  the  threatening  condi 
tion  of  affairs  at  home,  England  could  not  spare 
another  army  for  so  distant  a  field.  Whichever  way 
England  looked,  she  saw  either  open  enemies  or  half 
friends.  Everywhere  the  sky  was  dark  for  her,  and 
bright  for  us. 

At  home  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne  thrilled  the 
whole  land,  for  all  felt  it  to  be  the  harbinger  of  final 
triumph.  The  people  went  wild  with  joy;  salvos  of 
artillery,  toasts,  bonfires,  illuminations,  everywhere  testi 
fied  to  the  general  exultation.  The  name  of  France 


142  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 

was  hailed  with  acclamations.  At  once  a  sense  of 
national  dignity  and  solidity  took  the  place  of  uncer 
tainty  and  isolation.  Now  and  henceforth,  the  flag  of 
the  United  States  was  known  and  respected  ;  abroad  as 
at  home,  on  the  sea  as  on  the  land. 

Burgoyne's  disaster  has  been  charged  to  the  grossest 
carelessness  on  the  part  of  some  under  official  of  the 
British  War  Office.  It  is  said  that  the  orders  for  Sir 
William  Howe  were  never  put  in  the  despatch  bag  at 
all,  but  lay  forgotten  until  the  catastrophe  at  Saratoga 
brought  them  to  light.  On  such  trifles  does  the  fate  of 
nations  sometimes  hang.  Certainly,  greater  unity  of 
purpose  in  the  two  generals  might  have  given  the 
history  of  the  campaign  a  different  reading.  But  all 
such  conjectures  must  fall  before  the  inexorable  logic 
of  accomplished  results.  The  world  has  long  since 
passed  upon  the  merits  of  the  great  conflict  which  set 
America  free.  Its  verdict  is  recorded.  The  actors  are 
but  as  dust  in  the  balance. 


INDEX. 


ALLEV,  ETHAN,  takes  Ticonderoga,  17 ; 
goes  before  Montgomery,  19. 

ARNOLD,  BENEDICT,  marches  to  Can 
ada,  19;  takes  command  of  our 
flotilla,  and  fights  the  enemy,  22  ; 
25,  note ;  sent  to  relieve  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  and  does  it  by  a  stratagem,  92  ; 
part  at  Bemis'  Heights,  112  ;  storms 
the  enemy's  intrenchments,  121,122; 
wounded,  122. 

BATTEN-KILL,  British  take  post  at,  70, 
87. 

BAUM,  FREDERIC,  commands  British 
expedition  to  Bennington,  and 
marches,  70;  composition  of  his 
force,  70;  hears  the  Americans  are 
waiting  for  him,  75;  notifies  Bnr- 
goyne,  and  goes  on,  75;  discovers 
Stark,  and  intrenches  himself  on 
the  Walloomsac,  78,  81 ;  defeated, 

83,  132. 

BENNINGTON,  VT.  ;  Burgoyne's  plan  to 
seize  stores  at,  68;  Baum  marches 
for,  72 ;  Battle  of  Bennington,  83, 

84,  85;  trophies  of,  85;    86,  note; 
results  of  the  battle,  88,  89. 

BEMIS'  HEIGHTS;  position  of  the  army 
described,  99  ;  battle  of  September 
19,  106,  107,  108,  in;  112,  note. 

BOUQUET   RIVER;    Burgoyne   halts  at, 

BRANT,  JOSEPH,  at  Oriskany,  91 ;  94, 
note. 

BREYMAN,  HEINRICH  C.,  posted  in 
support  of  Baum,  70 ;  marches  to 
Baum's  aid,  81  ;  his  slowness  fatal 
to  Baum.  84;  defeated,  and  badly 
cut  up,  85  ;  his  retreat  to  camp,  89 ; 
part  in  Battle  of  Bemis'  Heights, 
105  ;  killed,  122. 

BKOWN,  JOHN,  attacks  Ticonderoga, 
114;  115,  note. 

BURGOYNE'S  AKMV,  composition  of,  33, 
34;  passes  L;ike  Champlain,  35, 
36,  notes  i  and  2  ;  invests  Ticonder 


oga,  40,  43  ;  fights  at  Hubbardton, 
47,  48  ;  at  Fort  Anne,  52 ;  joined 
by  loyalists,  61 ;  concentrated,  and 
leaves  Skenesborough,  66;  arrives 
at  Fort  Edward,  66 ;  joined  by  sav 
ages,  66 ;  compelled  to  halt  for 
provisions,  66,  69;  is  moved  for 
ward  to  support  the  expedition  to 
Bennington,  70;  falls  back  after 
the  defeat  of  Baum,  87  ;  its  losses, 
88;  crosses  the  Hudson,  102;  order 
of  march  from  Saratoga  to  Bemis' 
Heights,  105 ;  slow  advance,  105 ; 
gives  battle  to  Gates,  106;  troops 
in  action,  107;  .on  the  defensive, 
116;  on  short  rations,  117;  inactiv 
ity  of,  117;  ordered  to  fight  Gates 
again,  118;  troops  selected,  119; 
meets  defeat,  121;  camp  assaulted 
and  turned,  122  ;  forms  new  line, 
124;  retreats,  127;  soldiers  dispir 
ited,  129;  reaches  Saratoga,  129; 
makes  a  last  stand,  130;  its  camps, 
130;  compelled  to  surrender,  133; 
numbers  at  this  time,  138. 

BURGOYNE'S  CAMPAIGN  discussed,  10- 
14;  demand  for  re-enforcements, 
1 1  ;  deficiency  of  transportation 
service,  12;  cause  of  failure,  13; 
plan  of,  26-32  ;  results  in  surrender, 
133;  effect  of  it  in  Europe,  espe 
cially  in  France,  140;  effect  at 
home,  141  ;  said  to  have  failed 
through  blundering  in  the  War 
Office,  142. 

BURGOYNE,  JOHN  ;  his  personal  traits, 
9  ;  his  plan  of  campaign,  26  et  seq.; 
his  army,  33  ;  his  proclamation,  38 ; 
aims  to  cut  off  St.  Clair  from 
Schuyler,  45 ;  takes  Skenesbor 
ough,  51  ;  followesup  hjs  successes, 
52  ;  resutue  of  his  campaign  thus 
far,  52  ;  sends  Riedesel  to  Castle- 
ton,  61  ;  chooses  the  Fort  Anne 
route  to  Albany,  61  ;  his  reasons, 
62 ;  march  obstructed,  65  ;  reaches 


144 


INDEX. 


Fort  Edward,  66 ;  plans  how  to 
provide  for  his  army,  68 ;  desire  to 
strike  New  England,  68 ;  orders  the 
expedition  to  Benninglon,  70 ;  how 
composed,  70 ;  combinations  over 
thrown  by  Baum's  defeat,  87;  his 
losses  up  to  this  time,  88;  his  In 
dians  desert  him,  88;  compelled  to 
halt  again,  90;  hears  of  St.  Leger's 
retreat,  93  ;  his  choice  of  evils,  101 ; 
decides  to  cross  the  Hudson,  102  ; 
marches  in  search  of  Gates,  105; 
order  of  march,  105 ;  gives  battle, 
106  et  seq.;  troops  in  action,  107 ; 
holds  his  position,  but  makes  no 
advance  ;  brings  on  another  battle, 
118,  119;  calls  his  three  best  gen 
erals  to  his  aid,  and  commands  in 
person,  119;  is  defeated,  and  driven 
into  his  works,  121;  orders  a  re 
treat,  127;  finds  a  force  confronting 
him  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Hud 
son,  128  ;  loses  valuable  time,  128; 
burns  his  baggage,  129;  arrives  at 
Saratoga,  129  ;  finds  retreat  cut  off, 
131  ;  his  camp  untenable,  132  ;  sur 
renders  his  army,  133  ;  scene  de 
scribed  by  eyewitnesses,  135,  138. 

CANADA'S  alliance  desired,  15;  inva 
sion  of  begun,  19 ;  attitude  toward 
the  colonies,  25,  note. 

CARLETON,  GUY  ;  attitude  toward  Bur- 
goyne,  n,  12  ;  gains  a  naval  victory 
over  Arnold,  22,  25. 

CASTLETON,  VT.  ;  Riedesel  posted 
there  by  Burgoyne,  61. 

CHAMBLY,  FOKT;  position  of,  16; 
taken  by  Americans,  19;  burnt,  20. 

CLINTON,  SIR  HENRY,  notifies  Bur 
goyne  that  he  is  coming  to  his 
reiief,  116;  thinks  he  is  only  to 
make  a  diversion,  117;  122,  note; 
is  near  Albany  when  Burgoyne  sur 
renders,  133  ;  134,  note. 

CROWN  POINT,  position  of,- 16;  when 
built,  18,  note  ;  Americans  fall  back 
to,  20 ;  evacuated,  20 ;  naval  battle 
near,  22. 

DIAMOND  ISLAND,  unsuccessful  attack 

upon,  114. 
DUEK'S  HOUSE,  Frazer's  corps  at,  68; 

British  army  posted  at,  70,  87. 

FELLOW'S,  JOHN,  commands  a  detach 
ment  to  watch  Burgoyne,  134. 
FibHKii.L  CREEK,  i2);  134,  note. 


FORT  ANNE,  N.  Y.  ;  Americans  retreat 
to,  from  Skenesborough,  51 ;  Schuy- 
ler  re-enforces  them,  52  ;  combat  at, 
52 ;  burnt  and  abandoned,  52 ;  de 
scribed,  55,  note',  importance  to 
Burgoyne,  62 ;  neighborhood  de 
scribed,  62,  63. 

FORT,  EDWARD,  position  of,  16;  Schuy- 
ler  at,  51;  is  joined  by  St.  Clair, 
after  Ticpnderoga  falls,  51 ;  Bur 
goyne  arrives  at,  66 ;  Schuyler  evac 
uates  it,  66  ;  described,  66,  note. 

FORT  GEORGE,  position  of,  16 ;  Amer 
icans  evacuate  it,  66;  and  British 
occupy  it,  66. 

FORT  OSWEGO,  position  of,  30. 

FORT  STANWIX,  position  of,  30 ;  St. 
Leger's  force,  35;  garrisoned  and 
defended,  90,  91 ;  attempt  to  relieve 
fails,  91  ;  garrison  makes  a  sally, 
92  ;  siege  raised,  93  ;  94,  note. 

FRANCIS,  EBENEZER,  covers  retreat 
from  Ticonderoga,  fights  Frazer  at 
Hubbardton,  but  is  killed,  51 ;  55, 
note. 

FRAZER,  SIMON,  commands  a  corps 
under  Burgoyne,  34,  35  ;  takes  Mt. 
Hope,  40;  pursues  St.  Clair,  46: 
comes  up  with  the  Americans  at 
Hubbardton,  and  fights  them,  47; 
on  the  point  of  defeat  is  re-en 
forced,  and  gains  the  day,  48 ; 
crosses  the  Hudson,  and  takes  post 
at  Saratoga,  70  ;  recrosses  the  Hud 
son,  87;  is  posted  on  the  right  at 
Bemis'  Heights,  105  ;  his  force,  107; 
killed,  121 ;  123,  note  ;  buried,  127  ; 
134,  note. 

FREEMAN'S  FARM,  position  of,  99; 
100,  note,  105 ;  first  collision  at 
(Sept.  19),  106;  second  battle  at, 
120-122. 

GANSEVOORT,  PETER,  at  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  90  ;  sallies  out  upon  besiegers, 
91  ;  94,  note. 

GATES,  HORATIO,  takes  command  of 
the  Northern  Army,  20 ;  his  rank, 
25,  note  ;  supersedes  Schuyler,  95  ; 
good  effect  on  the  army,  97  ;  orders 
an  advance  to  Stillwater,  97 ;  want 
of  confidence  in  Arnold  a  drawback 
to  success,  98 ;  posts  the  army  on 
Bemis'  Heights,  98;  note,  99; 
sends  Morgan  to  feel  the  enemy, 
106;  re-enforces  in  driblets,  108; 
his  camp  and  army,  115,  notes  i 
and  2 ;  accepts  battle  again,  120 ; 


INDEX. 


is  victorious,  121,  122;  dilatory  pur 
suit  of  the  enemy,  131  ;  comes  up 
with  Burgoyne,  131  ;  dispositions 
for  attacking,  131;  receives  Bur- 
goyne's  surrender,  133. 

HERKIMER,  NICHOLAS,  marches  to  re 
lieve  Fort  Stanwix,  91  ;  is  waylaid 
and  defeated,  91,  92  ;  dies  of  his 
wounds,  92  ;  94,  note. 

HESSIAN  MERCENARIES,  36,  note. 

HOWE,  SIR  WILLIAM,  participation  in 
the  campaign  discussed,  14  ;  driven 
from  Huston,  29;  George  III.  dis 
appointed  in  him,  29 ;  gets  his 
orders  too  late,  31. 

HUBBARDTON,  VT  ,  garrison  of  Ticpn- 
deroga  retreats  to,  44 ;  St.  Clair's 
rearguard  overtaken  at,  47;  battle 
of,  47,  48,  49. 

JOHNSON.  SIR  JOHN,  at  Oriskany,  91 ; 
94,  note. 

KOSCIUSKO,  THADDEUS,  marks  out  the 
lines  on  Bemis'  Heights,  98 ;  100, 
note. 

LAKE  CHAM  PLAIN,  the  gateway  of  the 
north,  16;  naval  battle  on,  22; 
Burgoyne's  advance,  35  ;  shores  of, 
37;  Americans  driven  from,  51. 

LINCOLN,  BENJAMIN,  sent  to  Manches 
ter,  74  ;  sketch  of,  76,  note  ;  makes 
a  raid  in  Burgoyne's  rear,  113;  joins 
Gates,  115,  wounded,  128 

LYMAN,  PHINEAS,  builds  Fort  Edward, 
66. 

MANCHESTER,  VT  ,  Warner  posted  at, 
57 ;  rendezvous  for  militia,  73 , 
Lincoln  and  Stark  at,  74 

MOHAWK  VALLEY,  plan  for  invading 
11 .  3°.  35 

MONTGOMERY,  RICHARD,  leads  an  army 
to  Canada,  19 ,  killed,  20 ;  sketch 
of,  25,  note 

MORGAN'S  RIFLEMEN,  99,  note  ;  attack 
Burgoyne,  106;  part  in  the  battle 
of  October  7,  120,  121. 

MOUNT  INDEPENDENCE  described,  16; 
named,  21  ;  Americans  retreat  from 
Ticonderoga  to,  44. 

MOUNT  DEFIANCE,  the  key  of  Ticon 
deroga,  43 ,  seized  by  Burgoyne's 
engineers,  43;  compels  the  evacua 
tion  of  Ticonderoga,  43 ;  retaken 
by  the  Americans,  114;  115,  note. 


NEWPORT,  R.  I.,  held  by  the  enemy, 
30  ;  Howe's  strategy,  60,  note. 

NEW  YORK,  plans  for  its  invasion,  26, 
29,  30 ;  resources  of  for  resisting 
Burgoyne,  58,  59. 

ORISKANY,  N.  Y.,  Americans  march 
ing  to  Fort  Stanwix  are  defeated  at, 
91. 

PHILLIPS,  WILLIAM,  commands  Bur 
goyne's  artillery,  34  ;  brings  up 
artillery  at  Bemis'  Heights,  in. 

RIEDESEL,  BARON  VON,  commands  Bur 
goyne's  German  contingent,  34; 
at  Ticonderoga,  40;  pursues  the 
retreating  Americans,  46  ;  turns  de 
feat  to  victory  at  Hubbardton,  48; 
is  posted  at  Castleton,  Vt.,  61  ;  falls 
back  to  Fort  Edward,  86 ;  supports 
Burgoyne  at  Bemis'  Heights,  in. 

SARATOGA,  occupied  by  Burgoyne,  70; 
country  below  described,  98  ;  Bur 
goyne's  army  crosses  over  to,  102  ; 
falls  back  to,  after  being  defeated, 
129 ;  134,  note. 

ST.  CLAIR,  ARTHUR,  commands  at  Ti 
conderoga,  39 ;  evacuates  it,  43  ; 
military  record  of,  44,  note  2  ;  also 
note  5;  marches  for  Skenesbor- 
ough,  45;  halts  at  Hubbardton,  46; 
hears  Burgoyne  has  occupied  his 
proposed  line  of  retreat,  and  now 
marches  for  Bennington,  51 ;  joins 
Schuyler  at  Fort  Edward,  51  ;  ac 
cused  of  treachery,  58  ;  and  ordered 
to  Philadelphia,  60. 

ST.  JOHN'S,  FORT,  position  of,  16 ; 
taken  bv  Americans,  19  ;  burnt,  20; 
British  build  a  fleet  at,  21. 

ST.  LEGER,  BARRY,  combination  with 
Burgoyne,  13  ;  his  part,  30,  31 ;  his 
force,  35,  90;  lays  siege  to  Fort 
Stanwix,  91  ;  Arnold's  stratagem 
compels  him  to  raise  the  siege,  93  ; 
and  retreat  to  Oswego,  93. 

SCHUYLER,  PHILIP,  at  Fort  Edward, 
51 ;  St.  Clair  joins  him,  51  ;  sends 
a  force  to  Fort  Anne,  52 ;  military 
record  of,  55,  note  ;  holds  Warner 
at  Manchester,  57 ;  evacuates  Fort 
Edward  on  Burgoyne's  approach, 
66 ;  state  of  his  army,  66 ;  urges 
Stark  to  join  him,  77  ;  sends  Ganse- 
voort  to  Fort  Stanwix,  oo ;  then 
Arnold,  93 ;  superseded  by  Gates,  95. 


146 


INDEX. 


SECOND  BATTLE  OF  FREEMAN'S  FARM, 

I2O-I22. 

SKENESBOROUGH  taken  by  Americans, 
17;  described,  18,  note;  made  a 
dockyard,  21;  Americans  retreat 
to,  from  Ticonderoga,  44  ;  set  fire 
to,  and  abandoned,  51. 

STARK,  JOHN,  appointed  to  sole  com 
mand  over  New  Hampshire  militia, 
74;  musters  his  brigade  at  Man 
chester,  74;  refuses  to  join  Schuy- 
ler,  74 ;  his  perplexity,  75 ;  marches 
to  Bennington,  75  ;  sketch  of,  76, 
note  ;  decides  to  join  Schuyler,  77  ; 
but  hears  of  the  enemy's  approach, 
and  sends  out  scouts,  77 ;  sends  for 
Warner,  78 ;  rr-enforced,  81 ;  his 
force,  82  ;  gains  the  victory  of  Ben 
nington,  83 ;  and  defeats  Breyman 
also,  84,  85  ;  at  Fort  Edward,  132. 

STILI.WATER,  position  of  the  American 
army  described,  98. 

TICONDEROGA,  position  of  described, 
1.6;  taken  by  Americans,  17;  18, 
note  ;  Montgomery  there,  19  ;  Bur- 
goyne's  landing,  39;  garrison  of, 
40 ;  invested  by  Burgoyne,  40,  43 ; 


evacuated,  44;    effects  of  its  fall, 
56,  57 ;  Americans  attack  it  unsuc 
cessfully,  114. 
TRENTON,  N.  J.,  victory  at,  32,  note. 

VALCOUR  ISLAND,  naval  battle  at,  22. 

VERMONT,  people  of  addressed  by  Bur 
goyne,  38;  state  of  settlements  in, 
44,  note;  critical  situation  of  after 
the  fall  of  Ticonderoga,  5  7. 

WARNER,  SETH,  in  command  at  Hub- 
bardton,  47;  55,  note;  surprised 
there,  48;  retreats  to  Bennington, 
51;  posted  at  Manchester,  57;  his 
Green  Mountain  Boys,  57 ;  Stark 
calls  on  him  for  assistance,  77  ;  gets 
to  Bennington  in  time,  81 ;  attacks 
Breyman,  84. 

WASHINGTON,  GEORGE,  sets  about  re 
trieving  the  disaster  at  Ticonderoga, 
60;  his  views  how  to  retard  Bur- 
goyne's  march,  73  ;  sends  Lincoln 
to  carry  them  out,  74 ;  his  policy 
vindicated,  85  ;  efforts  to  strengthen 
the  northern  army,  95,  96 ;  consid 
erate  treatment  of  Schuyler,  96. 


SUCCESS  poOD :  READING 

IN  INTRODUCING  •••     Vjl        -  IN  A  COUNTRY  SCHOOL. 


"  There  are  country  children  who  attend  school  twenty-four  weeks  in  a 
year,  read  from  dry,  worn-out  reading  books,  and  have  parents  at  home 
with  minds  perfectly  barren  except  for  thoughts  about  getting  a  living. 
These  children  spend  the  lonely,  quiet  evenings,  which  might  be  made  so 
full  of  glad  opportunity,  in  perfect  idleness  and  apathy,  their  only  pleas 
ure  being  in  the  gratification  of  appetite.  There  is  just  one  reason  why 
these  must  grow  into  carnally  minded,  ignorant,  narrow  men  and  women. 
No  one  furnishes  them  with  reading  at  home."  —  Lend  a  Hand. 

With  this  for  my  text,  let  me  tell  the  story  of  one  school  in  Wisconsin. 

One  day  last  Spring,  a  Miss  Campbell,  from  Station,  (in  the  town 

of ),  was  sent  to  me  by  one  of  'the  Madison  teachers,  to  ask  my 

advice  in  regard  to  supplementary  reading  in  her  school.  She  told  me 
that  her  scholars  had  lost  all  interest  in  their  Thursday  afternoon  exer 
cises,  reading,  speaking  pieces,  etc.,  because  they  had  only  old  reading 
books  from  which  they  had  read  and  spoken,  till  they  knew  the  greater 
part  of  them  by  heart.  She  thought,  that  if  she  could  introduce  some 
really  interesting  book,  it  would  improve  the  work,  and  also  help  in  form 
ing  a  taste  for  good  reading.  After  looking  over  various  books  suited  for 
such  a  purpose,  she  selected  "  Young  Folks'  Robinson  Crusoe  "  saying, 
"The  children  are  not  up  to  anything  more  than  a  story,  yet.  I'll  take 
this  as  my  first  step.  If  they  work  well  with  this,  we  can  go  on  to  some 
thing  higher."  This  "Robinson  Crusoe"  was  written  by  Mrs.  Eliza 
Farrar,  wife  of  Prof.  John  Farrar,  of  Harvard  College,  and  was  first  pub 
lished  more  than  fifty  years  ago.  In  Mrs.  Farrar's  "  Address  to  Parents  " 
which  prefaces  the  book,  she  says,  "  The  Author  thinks,  with  Rousseau, 
that  Robinson  Crusoe  might  be  made  a  great  instrument  in  the  education 

From  Wisconsin  Journal  of  Education  for  November,  1888. 


Good  Reading. 

of  children,  leading  their  minds  to  philosophical  investigation  or  m-n's 
social  nature,  and  introducing  them  to  trains  of  thought  which  no  other 
story  can  so  well  suggest."  The  present  edition  is  edited  by  William  T. 
Adams  (Oliver  Optic),  who  says,  "  It  is  the  only  Robinson  Crusoe  read 
by  the  editor,  till  within  a  few  years,  and  was  the  standard  edition  in  use 
by  those  in  this  vicinity  (Boston)  who  read  children's  books  half  a  cen 
tury  ago."  Six  of  Miss  Campbell's  pupils  decided  to  buy  this  book,  one 
boy  buying  it  with  his  own  earnings,  he  was  so  anxious  to  own  it. 
These,  with  the  copy  which  I  lent  her,  sufficed  for  class  use.  The  chil 
dren  were  enthusiastic,  the  reading  class  was  rejuvenated,  and  the  prog 
ress  in  good  reading  was  in  proportion  to  the  enthusiasm. 

I  also  lent  Miss  Campbell  the  Chapters  on  Ants  in  "  Nature  Readers," 
the  most  satisfactory  books  for  instructing  children  in  Natural  History 
with  which  I  have  ever  met.  She  used  this  book  for  a  time  for  drawing 
exercises.  She  had  each  child  bring  an  ant  as  an  illustration  to  the  text, 
and  after  getting  them  intensely  interested  in  rinding  out  from  the  real 
creatures  what  is  told  of  them  in  the  book,  she  led  them  to  observe  the 
homes  of  the  ants  and  their  mode  of  work,  opening  their  eyes  to  the 
wonders  which  one  meets,  even  in  the  daily  prosaic  walk  to  school. 

I  lent  her  also  "  The  Seven  Little  Sisters  Who  Live  on  the  Round 
Ball  that  Floats  in  the  Air"  (published  by  Lee  £  Shepard),  which  de 
scribes  the  child  life  of  seven  different  races.  This  book  was  first  pub 
lished  in  1861,  and  has  since  been  through  edition  after  edition,  its  value 
being  so  generally  acknowledged.  The  superintendent  of  schools  in 
Janesville,  Mr.  C.  H.  Keyes,  spoke  of  it  in  an  educational  meeting  at 
Madison,  as  the  first  book  which  aroused  his  intellectual  life,  and  he  has 
since  told  me  that  there  are  nearly  twelve  hundred  children  in  Janesville, 
Wisconsin,  who  can  almost  say  it  by  heart.  A  teacher  of  seventeen  years 
record  once  told  me  that  one  class  in  geography  baffled  her  best  efforts 
till  she  threw  aside  all  the  so-called  text-books,  and  used  only  "  ^'le 


Good  Reading. 

Seven  Little  Sisters "  as  a  manual.  From  that  time  the  class  became 
successful  and  enthusiastic.  This  book  is  used  as  supplementary  read 
ing  in  the  schools  of  Boston,  Mass.,  and  also  in  very  many  other  schools 
throughout  the  country.  I  give  the  account  of  these  books  rather 
minutely,  that  it  may  be  clearly  seen  what  class  of  literature  Miss  Camp 
bell  attempted  to  introduce  to  the  future  men  and  women  of  Wisconsin. 

Miss  Campbell's  record  with  "The  Seven  Little  Sisters"  is  that  she 
read  it  to  the  children  at  such  times  as  she  could  secure,  without  neglect 
ing  their  regular  school  work.  The  children  enjoyed  the  book  so  much 
that  some  of  them  begged  her  to  keep  on  after  school  hours.  She  had 
the  scholars  point  out  on  a  map  the  countries  where  the  children  of  the 
stories  lived,  the  home  of  Agoonack  in  the  frozen  north,  and  where 
Louise  lived  by  the  beautiful  river  Rhine,  and  she  talked  with  them  of 
the  mode  of  life  of  the  inhabitants  of  those  countries. 

Now  to  offset  all  this,  here  let  me  give  the  record  of  the  district.  In 
July  they  held  a  school  meeting,  at  which  one  of  the  leading  men,  the 
heaviest  taxpayer  in  the  town,  arose  and  said  he  should  like  to  know  why 
he  was  to  pay  his  money  to  a  teacher  who  brought  "pismires "  into 
school,  and  taught  the  children  about  them,  and  who  introduced  "THE 
NOVEL."  Several  others,  eager  to  follow  their  leader,  echoed  his  senti 
ments.  As  a  result  that  school  has  a  new  teacher  this  term,  and  the 
children's  winter  evenings,  which  might  have  been  brightened  by  the 
enjoyment  of  new  books  and  the  fresher  and  broader  outlook  which  they 
bring,  are  now  left  to  plod  along  in  the  same  old,  dull  way.  But  let  us 
hope  that  the  seed  already  sown  will  not  prove  fruitless,  and  that  a  few 
boys  and  girls  at  least  are  awakened  to  the  pleasure  and  value  of  good 
reading. 

MADISON,  Wis.  MRS.  WILLIAM  F.  ALLEN. 


-THE    BEST   TEACHER    IN    1  HE   WORLD," 
James  Parton,  Historian,  says  of  the  author  of  the  new  book, 

TIEIbT  .  BOYS 

WHO    LIVED   ON   THE    ROAD    FROM    LONG    AGO   TO   NOW, 

ItyjANE  ANDREWS,  author  of  "Seven  Little  Sisters,"  "Seven  Little 
Sisters  show  their  Sisterhood,"  Geographical  Plays,  etc.  Cloth.  With 
20  original  illustrations.  80  cents  net;  if  sent  by  mail,  90  cents. 
Introducing  the  stories  of  — 

Kablu,  the  Aryan  Boy,  who  came  down  to  the  plains  of  the  Indus. 

Darius,  the  Persian  Boy,  who  knew  about  Zoroaster. 

Cleon,  the  Greek  Boy,  who  ran  at  the  Olympic  Games. 

Horatius,  the  Roman  Boy,  whose  ancestor  kept  the  bridge  so  well. 

Wulf,  the  Saxon  Boy,  who  helped  to  make  England. 

Gilbert,  the  Page,  who  will  one  day  become  a  Knight. 

Roger,  the  English  Lad,  who  longed  to  sail  the  Spanish  Main. 

Ezekiel  Fuller,  the  Puritan  Boy. 

Jonathan  Dawson,  the  Yankee  Boy. 

Frank  Wilson,  the  Boy  of  1885. 

And  giving  entertaining  and  valuable  information  upon  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  different  nations  from  Aryan  age  to  now. 

The  poet,  JOHN  G.  WHITTIER,  says  of  it :  — 

AMESBURY,  nth  mo.  22,  1885. 
LEE  AND  SHEPARD,  Boston: 

I  have  b_'en  reading  the  new  book  by  Jane  Andrews,  "  Ten  Boys  who  Lived 
on  the  Road  from  Long  Ago  to  Now,"  which  you  have  just  published,  and  canno* 
forbear  saying  that  in  all  my  acquaintance  with  juvenile  literature  I  know  of  nothing 
in  many  respects  equal  to  this  remarkable  book,  which  contains  in  its  small  compass 
the  concentrated  knowledge  of  vast  libraries.  It  is  the  admirably  told  story  of  past 
centuries  of  the  world's  progress,  and  the  amount  of  study  and  labor  required  in 
its  preparation  seems  almost  appalling  to  contemplate.  One  is  struck  with  the 
peculiar  excellence  of  its  style,  •*-  clear,  easy,  graceful,  and  picturesque,  —  which  a 
child  cannot  fail  to  comprehend,  and  in  which  "children  of  a  larger  growth"  will 
find  an  irresistible  charm.  That  it  will  prove  a  favorite  with  old  and  young  I 
iiave  no  doubt.  It  seems  to  me  that  nothing  could  be  more  enjoyable  to  the  boy 
os.  our  period  than  the  story  of  how  th^,  boys  of  all  ages  lived  and  acted. 

Yours  truly, 

JOHN   G.   WHITTIER. 


•\/!iSS       JANE      ANDREWS'       OTHER       BOOKS. 

THE    SEVEN    LITTLE    SIFTERS 

WHU  LIVE  ON  THE  ROUND  BALL  THAT  FLOATS  IN  THE  AIR. 

From   T/ie  New  England  /ournal  cf  Education. 

I  wish  to  bear  testimony,  unasked,  to  the  peculiar  value  for  teachers  of  a  little 
book  which  lies  rather  out  of  the  line  of  text-books,  and  which  may,  therefore, 
tscape  their  notice.  It  is  called  "The  Seven  Little  Sisters  who  Live  on  the  Round 
Ball  that  Floats  in  the  Air."  The  round  ball  is,  of  course,  the  earth,  and  the  little 
sisters  represent  different  nations  and  races  of  men.  I  think  that  the  mere  reading 
of  this  book  — read  over  and  over,  as  children  always  read  a  book  they  like  —  will 
give  to  the  young  readers  a  more  vivid  impression  of  the  shape  of  the  earth,  of 
the  distribution  of  nations  over  it,  and  of  the  essential  brothernood  of  man,  than 
the  study  of  most  text-books.  I  understand  that  it  has  been  largely  used  by  Miss 
Garland  and  Miss  Weston,  of  the  Boston  Kindergarten;  and  I  should  think  that 
it  would  be  invaluable  not  merely  for  such  schools,  but  for  all  primary  schools.  It 
is  very  common  for  teachers  to  read  aloud  to  their  pupils  some  story-book  at  their 
closing  session  of  the  week;  and  "The  Seven  Little  Sisters  "  is  a  story-book,  and  a 
book  of  real  intellectual  value  at  the  same  time.  T.  W.  HIGGINSON. 

Cloth,  gilt,  $1.OO.    School  Edition,  plain  cloth,  5O  cts.  net.    By  mail,  55  cts. 

PART    II. 

THE  SEVEN  LITTLE  SISTERS  PROVE  THEIR  SISTERHOOD, 

The  author,  in  order  to  show  the  children  of  her  own  school  how  other  children 
jive  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  selects  seven  little  girls  of  different  nationalities, 
and  describes  their  homes,  the  character  of  their  parents,  and  the  manners  and  cus 
toms  of  their  people.  The  stories  are  related  in  a  style  that  will  please  young 
folks,  and  will  be  found  quite  interesting  to  all.  The  book  is  handsomely  bound, 
and  is  prettily  illustrated,  and  should  have  a  ready  holiday  sale.  —  N.  E.  .Journal 
of  Education. 

Itiiuo,  cloth,  gilt,  81.00.     School  Edition,  5O  cts.  net.    By  mail,  55  eta. 


MESSRS.  LEE  AND  SHEPARD,  —  I  have  carefully  read  "The  Seven  Little 
Sisters,"  by  Jane  Andrews.  It  is  one  of  the  purest  and  best  books  for 
children  I  have  ever  seen.  In  fact,  it  is  the  best  book  of  its  kind,  known 
to  me.  My  comments  are,  blessings  on  the  memory  of  Jane  Andrews. 
My  little  daughter  Maud,  nine  years  old,  exclaimed,  shortly  after  beginning 
to  read  it:  "  O  Mamma,  I  have  begun  about  the  little  brown  baby  and  it 
is  just  lovely."  She  became  so  interested  that  she  has  read  the  whole  book 
within  two  or  three  days. 

I  shall  most  gladly  recommend  this  book  to  my  fellow  teachers  while 
holding  Institutes. 

Please  send  to  me  at  such  price  as  you  can  afford,  for  examination, 
"Jane  Andrews'  Ten  Boys  that  Lived  from  Long  Ago  until  Now." 

Yours  sincerely,  A.  E.  HAYNES. 


THE  STORIES    V      MATURE  TOLD    V 

1  —    MOTHER  N   *   HER  CHILDREN 


Library  Edition,  cloth,  illustrated,  $1.00.  School  Edition,  50  cents  net;  by  mail,  55  cents, 
"  Another  very  entertaining  and  instructive  addition  to  literature  for  young  readers- 
Mother  Nature  is  very  dear  to  us  all,  and  we  are  constantly  reading  and  profiting 
by  the  stories  she  tells  and  the  lessons  she  teaches.  In  the  little  book  before  us,  the 
writer  groups  in  familiar  language,  some  of  the  stories  which  .Mother  Nature  tells 
about  the  Amber  Beads,  and  their  original  home  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea  ;  about 
the  evolution  of  the  dragon  fly.  The  trees  that  stand  in  the  village  streets  are 
made  to  talk  pleasantly  about  themselves  —  a  species  of  egotism  that  will  readily 
be  pardoned.  'How  Indian  Corn  Grows'  is  interestingly  told,  and  something 
about  the  Water  Lilies.  The  Carrying  Trade  and  the  many  beneficial  things  it 
brings  to  us  from  far  away  countries  form  the  subject  of  one  chapter;  there  are 
several  nice  stories  of  Sea  Life,  including  something  about  coral  and  the  star  fish; 
the  Frost  Giants  and  the  queer  pranks  they  cut  up;  the  children  are  given  a  peep 
into  one  of  God's  storehouses,  a  coal  mine  ;  there's  a  pretty  story  too  about  Sixty- 
two  Little  Tadpoles  ;  and  there  are  other  things  touching  animal  and  vegetable 
life.  All  these  stories  are  told  in  language  that  children  can  easily  understand. 
The  aim  of  the  writer  is  to  fasten  on  the  minds  of  her  young  readers  impressions 
that  will  be  lasting  —  to  give  them  an  insight  into  the  beauties  and  mysterious  pro 
cesses  of  nature  and  incite  them  to  a  reverent  interest  in  and  a  truer  appreciation 
of  all  these  things.  The  child  who  reads  the  book  will  be  elevated  by  it."  —  St. 
Albans  Messenger. 

"  This  charming  little  volume  contains  a  series  of  short  sketches  that  are  intended 
to  teach  the  young  in  an  entertaining  way  some  of  the  wonderful  things  of  nature, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  lead  their  thoughts  into  a  study  of  them.  Thus  '  The 
Story  of  the  Amber  Beads'  shows  us  how  the  beautiful  yellow  gum  oozing  from  the 
pines  of  the  Scotch  highlands  became  the  pretty  amber  beads  we  all  know  and 
admire  ;  and  so  we  are  told  of  the  trees  and  flowers,  the  fish  and  the  insect,  and  of 
one  of  God's  storehouses,  the  wonderful  coal  mines.  One  would  look  far  before 
Jj2  would  find  a  work  so  well  calculated  to  engage  the  thoughtful  attention  of 
young  minds."  —  Salem  Observer. 


GEOGRAPHICAL   PLAYS 

Comprising  United  States,   Europe,  Asia,  Africa  and  South  America,   Australia  and  the 
Islands,  the  Commerce  of  the  World. 

In  one  volume,  cloth,  81. OO,  or  in  paper  covers,  six  parts,  15  cents  each. 

These  able,  suggestive,  and  interesting  plays  are  designed  as  a  sort  of  review 
of  each  country  or  topic,  and  they  present  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  subject  as 
a  unit.  They  are  used  after  a  country  has  been  faithfully  studied  from  the  geog 
raphy,  and  when  the  pupil  has  become  familiar  with  all  names  given  in  the  play. 
It  need  scarcely  be  said  that  the  plays  are  well  written,  and  are  calculated  to  pro 
duce  an  animating  effect  upon  a  school.  They  are  used  in  Boston  Primary  Schools 
for  Supplementary  Reading. 

Any  of  these  Books  sent  by  Mail  upon  Receipt  of  price. 

LEE   AND   SHEPARD,    Publishers,    Boston. 


flNLYAYEARANoWHAT 

I      *     *     * 


HAT  IT  *  *  * 

BROUGHT 


By    JATVK    ANDREWS 

Author  of  "  Seven  Little  Sisters  who  Live  on  the  Round  Ball  that  Floats  in 
the  Air,"  "Seven  Little  Sisters  Prove  their  Sisterhood"  (sequel  to 
"  Seven  Little  Sisters  ") ,  "  Ten  Hoys  who  Lived  on  the  Koad  from  Long 
Ago  to  Now,"  "  Geographical  Plays  for  Young  Folks  at  School  and  at 
Home,"  comprising  Europe,  United  States,  Asia,  Africa  and  South 
America,  Australia  and  the  Isles  of  the  Sea,  the  Commerce  of  the  World, 
etc. 

CLOTH.    ILLUSTRATED.    $1.00. 

"This  story  illustrates  the  change  wrought  into  the  life  of  a  tall,  awkward, 
and  selfish  girl  in  a  year's  time.  The  change  is  so  gradual  that  at  first  it  is 
almost  imperceptible,  but  is  entirely  natural  and  true  to  life.  Miss  Andrews 
has  written  a  number  of  children's  books,  and  understands  how  to  portray  the 
best  side  of  her  youthful  heroes  and  heroines  without  seeming  to  hold  them  up 
as  examples  to  her  readers.  In  her  account  of  the  trials  and  improvements  of 
the  young  girl  in  her  story,  she  has  endeavored  to  show  her  weaknesses  of 
character  without  moralizing.  She  is  thoroughly  wide  awake  to  all  the  enjoy 
ments  of  girls  whom  she  writes  about,  and  the  interesting  way  in  which  she 
helps  them  oul  of  their  various  difficulties  is  entertaining." —  Concord  States- 
in  a,  i. 

"  Among  the  writers  of  juvenile  tales  there  are  few  held  in  higher  esteem  by 
their  young  readers  than  Jane  Andrews;  and  the  pretty  volume  recently 
issued  that  bears  her  name,  deserves  to  be  held  in  as  great  favor  as  "  Seven 
Little  Sisters,"  or  any  other  of  the  author's  previous  productions.  It  teaches 
an  excellent  moral,  but  it  is  never  dry  or  preachy,  and  its  representations 
of  school  life  are  accurate  and  entertaining.  It  will  prove  most  acceptable 
to  girls  who  have  in  a  measure  put  away  childish  things,  yet  have  not 
passed  the  line  where  the  brook  and  river  meet."  —  Buffalo  Commercial 
Advertiser. 

"  The  unequalled  genius  for  entertaining  and  instructing  children  which 
distinguished  Jane  Andrews,  finds  expression  also  in  her  books.  This  one  is 
probably  the  last  that  we  shall  have  from  her  pen,  and  her  recent  death  gives 
it  a  peculiar  interest.  The  simple  incidents  are  made  the  vehicle  of  much 
lively  conversation  and  description.  Young  people  will  read  the  book  with 
genuine  interest  and  pleasure." —  Woman's  Journal. 


Sold  by  all  booksellers,  and  sent  by  mail,  postpaid,  on  receipt  of  price 
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ENGLISH  AS  IT  SHOULD 

Handbooks  for 
All  Lovers  of 
Correct 
Language 

^  .  . 

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MISTAKES  IN  WRITING  ENGLISH  AND  HOW  TO  AVOID  THEM 

For  the  use  of  all  who  teach,  write,  or  speak  the  language.  By  MARSHALL 
T.  BlGELOW,  author  of  "  Punctuation  and  other  Typographical 
Matters." 

PUNCTUATION  AND   OTHER    TYPOCRAPHICAL   MATTERS 

For  the  use  of  Printers,  Authors,  Teachers,  and  Scholars.  P.y  MARSHALL 
T.  BIGELOW.  Corrector  at  the  University  Press,  Cambridge. 

1000   BLUNDERS   IN   ENGLISH 

A  Handbook  of  Suggestions  in  Reading  and  Speaking.  By  HARLAN  H. 
BALLAKD,  A.M.,  Principal  of  Lenox  Academy,  Lenox,  Mass. 

HINTS  AND   HELPS 

For  those  who  write,  print,  or  read.     By  BENJAMIN  DREW. 

ENGLISH  SYNONYMES  DISCRIMINATED 

By  Rev.  RICHARD  WHATEI.Y,  D.D.,  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin.  A  new 
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CAMPBELL'S  HANDBOOK  OF  ENGLISH  SYNONYMES 

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HINTS  ON  LANGUAGE 

In  connection  with  Sight  Reading  and  Writing  in  Primary  and  Intermediate 
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FORGOTTEN   MEANINGS 

Or,  An  Hour  with  the  Dictionary.  By  ALFRED  WAITES  author  of 
"  Student's  Historical  Manual." 

SHORT  STUDIES  OF  AMERICAN  AUTHORS 

By  THOMAS  WENTWORTH  HIGGINSON,  author  of  "  Young  Folks'  History 
of  the  United  States,"  "  Young  Folks'  American  Explorers,  ' 
"  Malbone,"  "Outdoor  Papers,"  "  Oldport  Days,"  "  Army  Life  in  a 
Black  Regiment,"  "  Atlantic  Essays,"  etc. 

HINTS  ON   WRITING   AND   SPEECH-MAKING 

By  THOMAS  WENTWORTH  HIGGINSON. 

UNIVERSAL   PHONOGRAPHY 

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DRIFTING    ROUND    THE    WORLD;    A  Boy's  Adventures  by 

Sea  and  Land 

By  CAPT.  CHARLES  W.  HAU.,  author  of  "  Adrift  in  the  Ice-Fields,"  "  The 
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tions.     Royal  Svo.     Handsome  cover.     $1.75.     Cloth,  gilt,  $2.50. 
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France,  Holland,  Russia,  Asia,  Siberia,  and  Alaska.     Its  hero  is  young,  bold, 
and  adventurous;  and  the  book  is  in  every  way  interesting  and  attractive. 

EDWARD  GREEY'S  JAPANESE  SERIES 
YOUNG   AMERICANS   IN   JAPAN  ;   or,  The  Adventures  of  ths 

Jewett  Family  and  their  Friend  Oto  Nambo 

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land  of  the  rising  sun. 

THE  WONDERFUL  CITY  OF  TOKIO;  or,  The  Further  Ad 
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permitting  the  reader  to  view  things  as  he  saw  them.  The  illustrations  are 
mostly  drawn  by  a  Japanese  artist,  and  are  very  unique."  —Chicago  Herald. 

THE  BEAR  WORSHIPPERS  OF  YEZO  AND  THE  ISLAND 
OF  KARAFUTO;  being  the  further  Adventures  of  the 
Jewett  Family  and  their  Friend  Oto  Nambo 

180  illustrations.     Boards,  $1.75.     Cloth,  $2.50 

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HARRY   W.  FRENCH'S  BOOKS 
OUR   BOYS   IN    INDIA 

The  wanderings  of  two  young  Americans  in  Hindustan,  with  their  exciting 

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its  pictures  of  manners  and  customs  in  the  land  of  the  Hindu.  The  illustra 
tions  are  many  and  excellent. 

OUR   BOYS    IN    CHINA 

The  adventures  of  two  young  Americans,  wrecked  in  the  China  Sea  on  their 
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Empire  188  illustrations.  Boards,  ornamental  covers  in  colors  and  gold, 

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of  Teas  and  Queues. 

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